共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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20世纪90年代初的海湾战争,是一场大规模、高度现代化的局部战争,也是有史以来电子战装备最集中、手段最完善、斗争最激烈、影响也最深刻的一场战争。海湾战争中以美军为首的多国部队的胜利,主要依靠的是现代高技术的广泛应用,而电子战则是其中一张王牌,是其赢得胜利的电子战、精确制导导弹及C3I指挥系统三大法宝中的第一法宝,是决定陆、海、空战的关键因素。深入剖析这场战争中以美军为首的多国部队运用电子战的闪亮之处,对于我军积极做好军事斗争准备,打赢现代条件特别是现代高技术条件下的局部战争,具有十分重要的借鉴和… 相似文献
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Carsten F. Roennfeldt 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(1):39-62
Conventional wisdom on the phenomenon of war is criticised for providing little relevant guidance to deal with the security challenges of our era. One reason is that this attitude uncritically assumes power as synonymous with force. In response, ‘productive war’ is here proposed as a re-conceptualisation of war based on Michel Foucault's alternative understanding of power. Productive war appreciates the role of violence but subordinates it to non-kinetic dynamics influencing the dimension of meaning in international security. This theoretical perspective provides a conceptual framework to deal with the dynamics of political mobilisation essential to create public support for nation-building abroad and for visions of world order. 相似文献
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随着科学技术的进步,战争形态发生了重大变化,战争指导的许多方面必然要适应此种变化,以追求战争的胜利,但经受过实践检验的战争指导原则依然没有过时.第一,正确认识信息时代战争的特点及其规律,以增强军事理论创新的针对性;第二,战争形态的划分有多种选择,战争本质不因战争形态的变化而改变,战争永远是政治的继续;第三,经受过实践检验的战争指导原则不因科学技术的进步而过时,在新的历史时期仍有强大的生命力. 相似文献
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战争工程:信息时代的战争方法学 总被引:7,自引:3,他引:4
胡晓峰 《军事运筹与系统工程》2004,18(2):3-7
战争工程是随着信息时代的进步而产生与发展起来的必然产物 ,反过来它将成为促进信息化战争和武器装备发展的新的动力。这种建立在系统理论基础之上 ,利用现代信息技术 ,以综合集成和战争模拟为主要方法和手段的战争工程思想 ,应该成为信息时代的战争方法学。本文给出了战争工程的定义 ,研究了战争工程产生的原因 ,描述了主要的特征和内容 ,并提出了需要注意的几个问题。 相似文献
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"冷战"政策与朝鲜战争的爆发 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
第二次世界大战后,形成了以美国为首的帝国主义阵营和以苏联为首的社会主义阵营.为"遏制共产主义",美国不遗余力地推行"冷战"政策.朝鲜半岛是两大阵营在东方对立的主要阵地,朝鲜战争是两大阵营之间不可避免的大较量,也是"冷战"政策的必然产物. 相似文献
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Ricardo Crespo 《Journal of Military Ethics》2020,19(1):2-19
ABSTRACT Is Currency Warfare defined as, the use of monetary or military force directed against an enemy’s monetary power as part of a military campaign, a just way to fight a war? This article explores the ethics of waging currency warfare against the Just War Tradition’s principles of jus in bello (just conduct in war) and its criteria of discrimination and proportionality. The central argument is that currency warfare is inherently indiscriminate but may be proportionate when policy makers consider the nature of the threat confronted and the targeted currency's level of internationalization, that is, to what degree it is used in foreign transactions or used as a foreign currency reserve. I evaluate this argument against historical cases during the Second World War (1939–1945), the Gulf War (1990–1991), subsequent operations against Saddam Hussein in the early 1990s, and the ongoing campaign against ISIS. 相似文献
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Mark Vorobej 《Journal of Military Ethics》2019,18(4):299-313
ABSTRACTAccording to Brian Orend’s binary political model, minimally just states possess a robust set of moral rights, while other states essentially exist in a moral vacuum in which they possess no moral rights. I argue that a more plausible comparative model would allow for a state to acquire (or lose) discrete moral rights as it improves (or damages) its moral record. This would generate a more accurate portrayal of both domestic policy within states and military conflict between states; including, in particular, the role of the Allied forces during World War Two. 相似文献
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战争资源是用于达成战争目的的一切物质、精神要素的统称,《孙子兵法》中包含着有效利用战争资源的光辉思想。《孙子兵法》具体地指出了要认识“地”、“天”、“将”、“军”、“主”这几类战争资源,要科学配置战争资源并关注战争资源的效益产出。 相似文献
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Jan Almäng 《Defence Studies》2019,19(2):189-204
It has frequently been observed in the literature on hybrid wars that there is a grey zone between peace and war, and that hybrid wars are conflicts which are not clear cases of war. In this paper, I attempt to illuminate this grey zone and the concept and nature of war from the philosophical discussions of vagueness and institutional facts. Vague terms are characterized by the fact that there is no non-arbitrary boundary between entities which lie in their extension, and entities which do not lie in their extension. I apply a theory of vagueness to notions such as “war” and “peace” and go on to suggest that the exact boundary for what counts as a war or not is arbitrary. However, the context in which the conflict occurs determines a range of possible locations for this boundary. The most important contextual parameter is in this respect how the parties to the conflict themselves conceptualize the conflict. I suggest that this can in various ways help us understand grey-zone conflicts. 相似文献
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视景仿真技术是新一代仿真技术。介绍了其系统构成及在军事领域的应用,并给出了一个应用实例--战争实验室。 相似文献
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《战略研究杂志》2012,35(5):639-661
Abstract This article makes a case for treating escalation in irregular warfare as different in kind from the regular variant that was originally theorized during the Cold War. The regular variant emphasizes the role of clearly defined and commonly recognized ‘thresholds’ as a means of organizing cooperation within conflict. In contrast, the irregular variant can reward efforts by weaker terroristic actors to erode the moral significance of the combatant/non-combatant threshold, just as it can reward efforts by their stronger adversaries to bolster it. 相似文献
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Rudra Chaudhuri 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(5):567-576
ABSTRACTThis Special Issue looks at the importance of institutions and the role played by international actors in crucial episodes of India’s strategic history. The contributions trace India’s tryst with war and peace from immediately before the foundation of the contemporary Indian state to the last military conflict between India and Pakistan in 1999. The focus of the articles is as much on India as it is on Pakistan and China, its opponents in war. The articles offer a fresh take on the creation of India as a regional military power, and her approach to War and Peace in the post-independence period. 相似文献
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Nina Tannenwald 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):675-722
This article analyzes why US leaders did not use nuclear weapons during the Vietnam War. To date, there has been no systematic study of US decision-making on nuclear weapons during this war. This article offers an initial analysis, focusing on the Johnson and Nixon administrations. Although US leaders did not come close to using nuclear weapons in the conflict, nuclear options received more attention than has previously been appreciated. Johnson's advisers raised the issue of nuclear weapons and threats on several occasions, and Henry Kissinger, Nixon's national security adviser, looked into nuclear options to bring the war to an end. Ultimately, however, both administrations privately rejected such options. The conventional explanation for the non-use of nuclear weapons during the Cold War – deterrence – is insufficient to explain the Vietnam case. This article analyzes the role of military, political and normative considerations in restraining US use of nuclear weapons in the Vietnam War. It argues that while military and political considerations, including escalation concerns, are part of the explanation, a taboo against the use of nuclear weapons played a critical role. 相似文献