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Narushige Michishita 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6):1015-1040
Since 1993 North Korea's response to US ‘hegemony’ has been a seemingly paradoxical attempt to bandwagon with the United States by means of military coercion. However, after more than a decade of effort, North Korea has failed to normalize its relations with the United States. In the years ahead, it can either pursue more proactively the strategy of bandwagoning with the United States, shift its strategic focus to China, or embark upon a policy of equidistance between the United States and Japan on the one hand and China on the other. 相似文献
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本文从情报处理的发展和演变着手,面向当前大数据技术飞速发展和情报数据量呈爆炸式增长的趋势,介绍了大数据治理的概念和本文对于大数据治理的理解,并进一步针对数据治理和数据清洗内涵的不同进行了区别说明。此外,还梳理了当前各国在大数据治理和大数据开发方面的现状,对我国在大数据治理方面的政策环境和技术发展情况进行了概括。本研究针对情报大数据的特点,分析了大数据治理对于情报数据发挥作用的重要性;针对情报大数据在数据治理方面面临的问题,分析了情报大数据治理的需求;在情报大数据治理框架方面,构建了由人员组织机构、治理机制、形成的能力、治理策略等方面组成的情报大数据治理模型;对情报大数据管理生命周期内的治理内容进行了描述;最后对情报大数据治理的前景进行了简单展望。 相似文献
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Travis Sharp 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(7):898-926
This article challenges the conventional wisdom that cyber operations have limited coercive value. It theorizes that cyber operations contribute to coercion by imposing costs and destabilizing an opponent’s leadership. As costs mount and destabilization spreads, the expected utility of capitulation surpasses that of continued defiance, leading the opponent’s leaders to comply with the coercer’s demands. The article applies this ‘cost-destabilization’ model to the 2014 North Korean cyber operation against Sony. Through cost imposition and leadership destabilization, the North Korean operation, despite its lack of physical destructiveness, caused Sony to make a series of costly decisions to avoid future harm. 相似文献
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孟立君 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2008,24(3):14-16
朝核问题一直是困扰东北亚地区安全的核心问题,自20世纪90年代第一次朝核危机至今.朝核问题不但没有得到妥善解决,反而更加复杂。2006年10月9日,朝鲜宣布成功进行了地下核试验,朝鲜半岛再一次成为全球关注的焦点。在前人研究的基础上,就朝核问题产生的背景,朝核问题对中国边境地区经济、地区稳定以及生态环境等方面产生的影响进行分析和探讨。 相似文献
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白彬 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(5):93-95
当前对于大数据时代的到来并无太大争议。但是,对于大数据方法理论的研究,仍处于起步阶段。作为重“利”轻“理”的商业领域,主要任务是从大数据价值挖掘中获利。虽然有人从商业创新、思维创新、科技创新和社会透明等角度,阐述了对大数据问题的认识,但并未将认识上升到一般研究的方法理论层面。这就出现了一种矛盾——虽然提出了“大数据时代”,但是并未给这个时代提供普遍意义上的大数据研究方法理论。 相似文献
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Gregory L. Schulte 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):403-417
Damascus has severely impeded an investigation by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) into Syria's construction of a covert nuclear reactor, which was destroyed in a 2007 Israeli air strike. Pressing Damascus to cooperate with the inquiry is necessary to ascertain that there are no other undeclared activities in Syria, to determine the role of North Korea in the construction of the reactor, and to help prevent future clandestine efforts. With Damascus doing its best to avoid the investigation, securing Syrian cooperation will require adept diplomacy backed by the prospect of special inspections and, if necessary, a referral to the UN Security Council. The case of Syria's secret reactor highlights areas in which the IAEA needs buttressing, from the enhanced sharing of information, to reporting that is less political and more forthright. The case also illustrates the downside of politicizing IAEA investigations and supports the new director's apparent intent to return the agency to its core technical tasks. 相似文献
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Min-hyung Kim 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(7):979-998
This article seeks to make sense of North Korean provocations in light of the Sino-US strategic competition in post-Cold War East Asia, where such variables as China’s rise, US’s pivot to Asia, and growing Sino-ROK economic ties are driving the strategic choices of major states in the region. The article examines the main motivations behind Pyongyang’s provocations since the end of the Cold War, discusses their implications for the Sino-US strategic competition in East Asia, and offers predictions about the future of North Korean provocations. The central thesis of the article is that Pyongyang has exploited the Sino-US strategic competition in East Asia for its regime survival. By raising North Korea’s strategic value to China, the intensifying Sino-US competition allows Pyongyang to continue provocations, regardless of Beijing’s explicit opposition. 相似文献
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Joshua Pollack 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):411-429
North Korea has been one of the world's most active suppliers of ballistic missile systems since the mid-1980s, but the nature of its missile export business has changed significantly during this period. Unclassified, publicly available data show that the great majority of known deliveries of complete missile systems from North Korea occurred before 1994. The subsequent fall-off took place a decade too early to be explained by the Proliferation Security Initiative of 2003. It can be explained by a combination of factors that have reduced demand. First, after selling production equipment for ballistic missiles to many states, especially in the Middle East, North Korea by the late 1990s had become primarily a supplier of missile parts and materials, not complete systems. Second, after Operation Desert Storm, some missile-buying states shifted their attention away from ballistic missiles in favor of manned aircraft, cruise missiles, and missile defense systems supplied by Western powers. Third, some states experienced pressure from the United States to curtail their dealings with North Korea. During the last decade, having shed most of its previous customer base, North Korea has entered a phase of collaborative missile development with a smaller number of state partners, particularly Iran and Syria. Its known sales of complete missile systems are relatively small and infrequent. North Korea's time as missile supplier to the Middle East at large has ended, but there is a risk that regional states will turn to North Korea as a supplier of nuclear technology in the future. 相似文献
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Heinz Gaertner 《Defense & Security Analysis》2014,30(4):336-345
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) justifies its nuclear weapon arsenal with the concept of deterrence. It means that it will try to miniaturize and modernize its warheads and missiles. This leads to a first-use doctrine of nuclear weapons. Obama's policy of engagement does not offer a solution to the North Korean nuclear issue as yet. In the context of its policy of critical engagement with the DPRK, the European Union has three key interests: regional peace and stability, denuclearization, and human rights. The Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) could be a precedent. The CSCE process was based on three “baskets”: security, economics, and humanitarian. The multilateral Trans-Pacific Partnership is a step in this regard. This article looks at three theoretical approaches: realism, liberal institutionalism, and liberal internationalism. It concludes that a political strategy to create a stable North Korean peninsula has to go beyond nuclear deterrence that is based on the realist notion of balance of power. 相似文献
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Jun Sik Bae 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(4):379-392
This study analyses an arms race between South and North Korea over the period 1963–2000. Despite the strategic importance of the Korean Peninsula, the arms race between South and North Korea has rarely been studied. In this study, the South–North arms race is empirically estimated using Richardson’s action–reaction model. The pattern of South–North arms race between the Cold War (1963–1989) and the post‐Cold War eras (1990–2000) as well as the existence of an arms race is examined comparing both countries’ defence spending, number of military personnel and tactical aircraft. 相似文献
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心理战效果评估是对心理战对敌毁伤效能的评估,是战争各方都很关注的重点领域,也一直是困扰心理战研究者的难题,有效评估心理战的效果对心理战过程形成完整闭锁回路、确定心理战实施重点方向和促进心理战战略战术手段的发展有着至关重要的作用。目前,对心理战效果评估的研究已取得了一系列学术成果,为效果评估的实施和实际操作提供了强有力的理论支撑,但现有研究多为指标体系建立等理论的提出和界定,缺少实际操作性的思路,本文主要从大数据的视角来探究心理战效果评估,并尝试从大数据技术的应用角度阐述大数据和心理战效果评估的融合。 相似文献
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Chris Ajemian 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):329-349
Though North Korea agreed to partial denuclearization in February 2007, achieving that goal is at best a long way off. A natural gas pipeline linking all of Northeast Asia and promising energy and economic help could help convince the isolated nation to step away from its nuclear programs entirely; it could also provide the nonproliferation and energy security benefits that have eluded the region for so long. These economic benefits could motivate the other nations involved in the six-party talks to deal with North Korea more than if only nuclear reactors were offered. 相似文献
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Curtis H. Martin 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):61-88
Scholarly and popular literature in the recent past has framed nonproliferation diplomacy toward both Iran and North Korea as an example of “good cop/bad cop,” a social-psychological strategy borrowed from law enforcement to describe a process for forcing a confession by subjecting a target to stressful emotional contrast. This article examines those two cases, roughly covering the period since 2003, when the most recent attempts to deal with the Iranian and North Korean proliferation threats began, in light of criteria for employment of the good cop/bad cop strategy. There is some evidence that within the framework of the six-party talks with North Korea and within the framework of the EU-3-U.S. diplomacy toward Iran, the players seeking nonproliferation have adopted good cop/bad cop roles to that end. The article concludes, however, that while there are similarities to the interrogation room technique, the complexity of the international political environment as compared to the interrogation room has prevented the states involved from successfully adopting or effectively exploiting good and bad cop roles. Substantial and exploitable differences of interest among them, and the availability of alternative “escape routes” for the target state, raise serious questions about the applicability of the good cop/bad cop strategy to these two nonproliferation cases, and even about its applicability in future nonproliferation challenges. 相似文献
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Daniel Salisbury 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(1):2-22
Illicit procurement networks often target industry in developed economies to acquire materials and components of use in WMD and military programs. These procurement networks are ultimately directed by elements of the proliferating state and utilize state resources to undertake their activities: diplomats and missions, state intelligence networks, and state-connected logistical assets. These state assets have also been utilized to facilitate the export of WMD and military technologies in breach of sanctions. While used in most historic proliferation cases, their role has seen limited consideration in the scholarly literature. This article seeks to systematically contextualize state resources in proliferation networks, arguing that their use lies between state criminality and routine activity in support of national security. Considering the competitive advantages of these assets compared to similar resources available in the private sector, the article argues that nonproliferation efforts have caused states to change how they use these resources through an ongoing process of competitive adaptation. 相似文献
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随着信息技术的发展,特别是物理信息系统、互联网、社交网络等技术的突飞猛进,数据爆炸性增长的同时,劣质数据也随之而来,数据可用性受到严重影响。近年来,学术界和工业界开始研究数据可用性问题,取得了一些的研究成果,但是针对互联网大数据可用性问题的研究工作还很少。文章从大数据的发展现状分析入手,概述了大数据可用性的挑战,探讨了大数据可用性方面的研究问题。通过机器翻译案例,指出了互联网大数据可用性增长的可能途径。 相似文献
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异构混合存储的软硬件协同数据放置策略 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
分析比较当前大数据中心典型混合存储架构,针对其不能综合运用存储管理系统和存储设备优势的问题,提出软硬件协同的数据放置策略,同时考虑软件层混合存储管理系统和硬件层混合存储设备的特点,根据应用特性为数据选择合适的存储管理系统和设备。面向不同应用场景,提出运行前规划存储路径的静态放置模式和运行中规划存储路径的动态放置模式。基于存储管理系统和设备性能参数建模,采用仿真方法实现各数据放置策略,并运行实际应用中的三类负载进行实验测试,结果表明采用软硬件协同的数据放置策略相比只考虑存储管理系统和存储设备的数据放置策略,性能可以提高近30%。 相似文献
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善用数据者制人,不善用者制于人。围绕国家安全和军队建设的需求,通过对大数据的分析进行态势感知,日趋具有重要的价值和意义。深入研究大数据技术在态势感知中的作用机理及存在问题,有效利用其优长,解决存在的问题,充分发挥大数据的作用,有益于更好地支撑国家和军队的决策和行动。 相似文献