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为适应变化的战场态势,研究了多无人机协同空战中的目标威胁评估算法和目标分配算法.利用一种新的计算方法对目标威胁矩阵进行确定,从而针对不同的空战态势进行威胁评估,以提高威胁评估的性能.利用所得到的威胁评估结果,采用基于态势的目标分配方法实现目标分配.所研究的目标分配算法不仅考虑敌机对我方威胁,同时还考虑了敌机的作战意图,使得我方能够实时准确的对敌做出目标分配.仿真结果表明所研究的算法能够完成多机空战中的目标威胁评估和目标分配,所研究的算法是有效的. 相似文献
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为适应变化的战场态势,研究了多无人机协同空战中的目标威胁评估算法和目标分配算法.利用一种新的计算方法对目标威胁矩阵进行确定,从而针对不同的空战态势进行威胁评估,以提高威胁评估的性能.利用所得到的威胁评估结果,采用基于态势的目标分配方法实现目标分配.所研究的目标分配算法不仅考虑敌机对我方威胁,同时还考虑了敌机的作战意图,使得我方能够实时准确地对敌做出目标分配.仿真结果表明所研究的算法能够完成多机空战中的目标威胁评估和目标分配,所研究的算法是有效的. 相似文献
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武器-目标分配是防空作战指挥决策的重要内容之一,针对此问题大多数的研究都过多考虑己方的态势和有限的目标信息,对敌方目标意图的认知鲜有涉及,结合空中目标作战意图,提出一种意图驱动的防空动态武器-目标分配方法。考虑到敌机的行为对我方决策产生的影响,对采集到的敌机群数据,将专家经验封装为标签,训练融合注意力机制的双向长短期记忆网络(BiLSTM-attention)进行意图识别,根据敌方不同作战飞机的意图,以及敌机的被动属性、我方武器属性、战场环境信息和实时动态信息,提出了意图驱动的武器-目标分配模型(intent-WTA),使用费用流算法在较短的时间内准确获得最优的武器-目标分配策略,实验仿真结果表明,所提方法可以准确、高效地根据战场局势的动态变化进行武器-目标分配,满足防空作战的实战要求。 相似文献
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战区导弹防御(TMD)的一个重要目的,是在同时受到多枚弹道导弹威胁时,能对散布在全战区中的若干设施进行有效的保护.因此,作战管理系统必须有效的为逼近的威胁分配武器和传感器,实现总漏出量或设施损失最小的拦截.为了分析TMD作战管理系统对抗战区弹道导弹(TBM)的问题,开发了威胁传播和雷达模型来预测天线占用率和航迹精度,并且建立了拦截器飞出(flyouts)模型,以支持备用的一对一火控方案.此外,还开发了各种算法,它们是威胁评估算法,战斗空间-时间分析算法,多对多武器-目标-传感器分配算法和作战调度算法.其中,战斗空间-时间分析算法,确定满足系统约束的射击时矶;多对多武器-目标-传感器分配算法,优化目标函数;作战调度算法确定最佳的拦截位置和时间.这些模型被制成初样,集成,并在一台快速样机试验台上进行模拟.模拟了许多攻击和防御想定,并且确定了妙能的各种衡量标准,包括威胁的漏出,设施的损失,中间结果的精度和计算能力.这些结果显示了在系统的约束下武器效能的灵敏度.某些重要性能特征用图表演示出来. 相似文献
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针对防御场景下的动态武器协同火力分配问题,将其转化为多目标约束组合优化问题,在考虑资源约束、可行性约束的前提下,以我方损失最小、消耗资源最小为原则,对敌方目标造成最大的伤害.基于此,在NSGA-III算法的基础上提出基于A-NSGA-GKM算法的动态武器协同火力分配方法,通过遗传K均值聚类算法对初始参考点进行自动分组聚类,用聚类中心代替原参考点,引入基于惩罚的边界相交聚合函数代替原垂直距离,进一步提升原始算法的收敛性能,引入自适应机制保证优秀的解结构.最后,通过实验仿真表明所提优化算法具有较高的收敛性,该方法能够有效地解决动态武器协同火力分配优化问题. 相似文献
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机载制导武器的武器-目标分配算法是智能航空指控系统的一个基础研究问题。本文在建立了武器-目标分配的基本概念和对算法要求的基础上,提出了两种武器-目标分配算法;基于决策论的武器-目标分配算法和基于导弹截获区的武器-目标分配算法,并对基于导弹截获区的武器-目标分配算法进行了仿真实验。结果表明,此算法具有高透明性、有限消除最大威肋、杀伤概率最大、充分利用机载武器等特点。 相似文献
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在分析地振动目标信号特征的基础上,提出了振动目标的威胁属性参数;建立了目标威胁隶属度函数和威胁等级判决模型;运用层次分析法确定了各目标威胁参数的权值,构建了振动目标的威胁评估函数,并通过实例验证了评估结果的合理性和实用性。 相似文献
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针对当前对空中目标威胁评估研究的不足,提出了一种防空系统中评估目标威胁度的新方法,其思想在于将空中目标的威胁因子分为定量指标和定性指标,其中定量指标包括目标速度、目标高度等可以直接获取的指标,该部分指标通过隶属函数直接得到威胁值;定性指标包括目标类型、目标意图等不能直接获取的指标,通过贝叶斯网络进行推理以得到静态威胁值。最后通过AHP 方法对各个指标威胁值进行加权得到总威胁值。该方法的特点在于定性分析与定量分析的结合,通过仿真算例验证了该方法的有效性与可行性。 相似文献
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Dr. Ir. F.J. Sluiman 《海军后勤学研究》2017,64(3):225-248
A transit vessel traffic scheduling algorithm has been developed to limit the negative effects on cargo volume throughput in two‐way waterways where separation distances between transiting vessels must be maintained and passage restrictions may hold. It runs in time that is polynomial in the number of ships involved in the computation and finds schedules which increase the utilization of waterways. Three examples illustrate its use. The first example is situated in the Sunda Strait where the algorithm is used to enhance the safety of merchant shipping against a terrorist threat. It illustrates important features of the algorithm and demonstrates how it can be used with cross traffic. The second example is situated in the Strait of Istanbul and offers a comparison between the developed algorithm and the transit vessel scheduling algorithm of Ulusçu et al., J Navig 62 (2009), 59–77. This was done using a plausible model of the Strait of Istanbul. The third and last example shows how the algorithm can be used to schedule transit vessel traffic in two‐way waterways with junctions. This feature is especially useful in congested waters with a high risk of collisions like the Inland Sea of Japan. An extreme test case proves that the developed algorithm is a practical algorithm ready for such use. © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 64: 225–248, 2017 相似文献
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Fred Wehling 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):313-325
International law clearly requires an imminent threat of attack as a justification for the preemptive use of military force. However, the standard definition of an imminent threat was derived centuries before the development of nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons or ballistic missiles and other delivery systems that can reach their targets in a matter of minutes. Any use of force to alleviate threats posed by weapons of mass destruction (WMD) prior to tactical warning of the actual launch of such weapons falls into the legally and ethically controversial category of “anticipatory self-defense,” leaving decision makers potentially liable to prosecution for war crimes. Effective and ethical enforcement of nonproliferation therefore demands a standard for imminence of threat broad enough to allow military action as a last resort but sufficiently restrictive to prohibit indiscriminate action against suspected WMD programs. Following a critical review of selected literature and cases on preemption, the author proposes a new standard for preemptive military action: the existence of operational WMD, or a clandestine program to develop WMD, in contravention of international law. The author discusses the implications of this new proposed standard, which at the time of writing would permit preemptive attack against WMD-armed terrorist groups but prohibit it against all states except Iran and possibly North Korea. 相似文献
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Abstract What are the consequences of military strikes against nuclear facilities? In particular, do they ‘work’ by delaying the target states ability to build the bomb? This article addresses these questions by conducting an analysis of 16 attacks against nuclear facilities from 1942 to 2007. We analyze strikes that occurred during peacetime and raids that took place in the context of an ongoing interstate war. The findings indicate that strikes are neither as uniformly fruitless as the skeptics would suggest, nor as productive as advocates have claimed. There is evidence that the peacetime attacks delayed the target's nuclear program, although the size of this effect is rather modest. The wartime cases were less successful, as attacks often missed their targets either due to operational failure or limited intelligence on the location of critical targets. In our concluding section we show that many of the conditions that were conducive to past success are not present in the contemporary Iran case. Overall, our findings reveal an interesting paradox. The historical cases that have successfully delayed proliferation are those when the attacking state struck well before a nuclear threat was imminent. Yet, this also happens to be when strikes are the least legitimate under international law, meaning that attacking under these conditions is most likely to elicit international censure. 相似文献
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Saroj Kumar Rath 《Defense & Security Analysis》2014,30(3):196-208
The spectacular commando-style terrorist strike on Mumbai in November 2008 exposed India's lax internal security structure. As nearly all the security apparatus broke down during the long spell of attacks, massive public outrage flared up across the country calling for a firmer government response. Shockingly, India has done little to prevent a recurrence and a new security threat faces the country every single day not merely before but even after the Mumbai attacks. In contrast, Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence and the Lashkar-e-Taiba have successfully evaded pressures from both India and the international community and continue their terror campaign against India under the “Karachi Project” with the explicit intention to unsettle South Asia. Classified documents indicated that India is at the forefront of a cataclysmic “nuclear terrorism” threat from a “combination of Pakistan-based terrorists and homegrown radicals.” This article analyses the danger posed by the Indo-Pak radical groups targeting India and India's lack of preparedness to the new security threat from the “Karachi Project.” 相似文献