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121.
122.
Philip H. Enslow 《海军后勤学研究》1966,13(2):177-202
This bibliography consists of 75 items on search theory and reconnaissance theory found in periodicals and technical reports. Each entry includes a short summary or a quotation from the pertinent abstract. The items are classified into one or more of the following categories: (1) General Discussion of Problems; (2) Allocation of Effort; (3) Game Theory Formulations; (4) Geometric Search Patterns; (5) Measures of Performance and (6) Miscellaneous. 相似文献
123.
William H. Mott IV 《Defense & Security Analysis》1996,12(2):189-204
124.
本文以定理的形式提出一个新的组合恒等式。它是在恒虚警算法研究和性能分析中经常遇到的恒等式。对此,文中给出详细的证明。在证明过程中,我们还提出了有关该定理在实际中可以直接应用的3个引理和2个推论。 相似文献
125.
本文以实验结果为依据,首先分析了塑料弹体影响弹丸膛内运动的物理性能,然后结合旋转弹丸的膛内运动特征,经过模拟试验,采用数学拟合法,初步建立旋转稳定弹塑料弹体工程设计计算的数学模型(包括结构尺寸设计计算、强度计算和内弹道计算)。 相似文献
126.
127.
John H. Maurer 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6):775-797
As Chancellor of the Exchequer during the late 1920s, Winston Churchill was at the center of British strategic decision making about how to respond to the naval challenge posed by Japan's rise as a rival sea power. Churchill downplayed the likelihood of war with Japan. The leadership of the Royal Navy disagreed: they saw Japan as a dangerous threat to the security of the British Empire. Examining this dispute between Churchill and the Admiralty highlights the awkward political, economic, and strategic tradeoffs confronting British leaders between the world wars. 相似文献
128.
A potentially productive triangular arrangement among Russia, Ukraine, and the United States emerged in 1994 from efforts to constrain nuclear weapons diffusion. By 2001, this promising initiative was nearly moribund, owing to the inability or unwillingness of the parties to fulfill the commitments of subsequent agreements. The domestic and external causes of this failure are many and clear. Yet the advantages to each of reengaging in a trilateral relationship are also plain. This means fulfilling their unfinished agenda by learning from past mistakes, adopting realistic premises and goals, and pursuing ‘bottom up’ as well as ‘top down’ strategies. 相似文献
129.
We investigate the solvability of two single‐machine scheduling problems when the objective is to identify among all job subsets with cardinality k,1≤k≤n, the one that has the minimum objective function value. For the single‐machine minimum maximum lateness problem, we conclude that the problem is solvable in O(n2) time using the proposed REMOVE algorithm. This algorithm can also be used as an alternative to Moore's algorithm to solve the minimum number of tardy jobs problem by actually solving the hierarchical problem in which the objective is to minimize the maximum lateness subject to the minimum number of tardy jobs. We then show that the REMOVE algorithm cannot be used to solve the general case of the single‐machine total‐weighted completion time problem; we derive sufficient conditions among the job parameters so that the total weighted completion time problem becomes solvable in O(n2) time. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 60: 449–453, 2013 相似文献
130.
Thomas H. Johnson 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):1006-1039
ABSTRACTThis article systematically assesses the 2014 Afghanistan Presidential Election, the first transfer of power from President Hamid Karzai to an elected successor, using provincial voting data as well as explicit data from polling centers. The analysis finds unusual voting results in the April election, where no candidate received 50%+1 votes required by the Afghan constitution, versus the voting results realized for the June ‘runoff election.’ As in other Afghan voting analyses, this article finds voting based on ethno-linguistic preferences, and interestingly found Dr. Ashraf Ghani receiving almost all the swing votes in the runoff election even though the other leading candidate from the April election all endorsed Dr. Abdullah Abdullah. More importantly, however, the research presented here clearly finds extremely strange voting patterns. For example, the polling data center analysis finds 606 polling places where Ghani received all 600 votes and Abdullah received none and another 900 polling centers that gave virtually all its votes to Ghani. These results in combination with other analyses raise the very real possibility that the election results were illegitimate. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the research to future Afghan elections and their processes as well as to the long-standing conflict in the country. 相似文献