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Until recently, fast algorithms for the maximum flow problem have typically proceeded by constructing layered networks and establishing blocking flows in these networks. However, in recent years, new distance-directed algorithms have been suggested that do not construct layered networks but instead maintain a distance label with each node. The distance label of a node is a lower bound on the length of the shortest augmenting path from the node to the sink. In this article we develop two distance-directed augmenting path algorithms for the maximum flow problem. Both the algorithms run in O(n2m) time on networks with n nodes and m arcs. We also point out the relationship between the distance labels and layered networks. Using a scaling technique, we improve the complexity of our distance-directed algorithms to O(nm log U), where U denotes the largest arc capacity. We also consider applications of these algorithms to unit capacity maximum flow problems and a class of parametric maximum flow problems. 相似文献
173.
James G. Taylor 《海军后勤学研究》1980,27(1):109-121
This paper studies combat between two homogeneous forces modelled with variable-coefficient Lanchester-type equations of modern warfare with supporting fires not subject to attrition. It shows that this linear differential-equation model for combat with supporting fires may be transformed into one without the supporting fires so that all the previous results for variable-coefficient Lanchester-type equations of modern warfare (without supporting fires) may be invoked. Consequently, new important results for representing the solution (i.e. force levels as functions of time) in terms of canonical Lanchester functions and also for predicting force annihilation are developed for this model with supporting fires. Important insights into the dynamics of combat between two homogeneous forces with such supporting fires are discussed. 相似文献
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R. H. Baker Christopher Dandeker Lawrence James G. Wyn Rees M. R. H. Uttley 《Defense & Security Analysis》1989,5(2):167-175
Soviet Nuclear Strategy from Stalin to Gorbachev: a Revolution in Soviet Military and Political Thinking. By Honore M. Catudal. Mansell, London (1988), ISBN 0–7201–2000–4, £25.00
The Military: More Than Just a Job? Edited by Charles C. Moskos and Frank R. Wood. Pergamon‐Brassey's, London (1988), ISBN 0–08–034321‐X, £17.00 ($30.00)
Douglas Haig, 1861–1928. By Gerard J. de Groot. Unwin Hyman, London (1988), ISBN 004 4401922, £20.00
Defence Policy Making. A Comparative Analysis. Edited by G. M. Dillon. Leicester University Press, Leicester (1988), ISBN 0–715–1268–5, £10.95
The Future of U.K. Air Power. Edited by P. Sabin. Brassey's, London (1988), ISBN 0–08–035825‐X (hardcover), 0–08–036256–7 (flexicover), hardcover £18.95 ($34.00), flexicover £9.95 ($17.95) 相似文献
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James Meernik 《Civil Wars》2015,17(3):318-339
Research on human rights treaties has mostly reached depressingly similar conclusions – that such treaties and their resulting institutions have little or no impact on human rights. The International Criminal Court, however, possesses significant power to investigate and prosecute violations of international law that equip it with potentially more influence than previous human rights regimes. I suggest, however, that the impact of the ICC on human rights is conditioned by signatory governments’ commitment to good governance and acceptance of the role of the ICC in addressing violations of international law. I develop a two-stage model of ICC ratification and human rights abuse that shows that while many states have ratified the ICC Treaty, not all are committed to stopping the crimes under its jurisdiction. Rather, state commitment to human rights depends first on its commitment to the rule of law within its own borders. Second, commitment to human rights depends on states’ willingness to grant the ICC the powers necessary to carry out its mission. Through a number of statistical tests, I find strong support for these hypotheses on states’ human rights and propensity for violence. 相似文献
179.
Radicalism or radicalisation has become a serious political and academic theme in recent years and any incident involving Muslims now almost automatically acquires the cachet, as events in 2016 and 2017 have shown. However, despite vast sums and resources expended on the subject no one can define what they mean by ‘it’. This should make us pause and question what precisely it is that causes so much alarm and is it worth the resources, time and effort employed to respond to it? 相似文献
180.
This paper explores the hypothesis that both the preexisting quality of democracy in a polity at the onset of conflict and the quality of democracy expected to emerge in the aftermath influence the likelihood of civil war. An empirical investigation of the hypothesis presents a challenge due to concerns of endogeneity and selection: the post-conflict level of democracy is endogenous to the pre-conflict level. Further, for a given time period, either a number of countries have not experienced civil war; or if they did, did not resolve the conflict. We overcome this selection bias by implementing a three-step extension to the Heckman procedure using an unbalanced cross-country panel of 77 countries over the period 1971–2005. Consistent with our hypothesis, we find that a standard deviation improvement in the existing level of democracy reduces the probability of civil war by approximately 9 percentage points and a corresponding improvement in expected post-conflict democratization increases the probability of conflict by approximately 48 percentage points. 相似文献