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针对基于位置时间参数解析算法的声纳浮标阵搜潜系统的定位精度问题,采用定性和定量分析相结合的方法展开了研究。从解析定位模型出发,首先定性分析浮标自身的定位误差与传感器测时误差对航速及航向角计算的影响;然后选取评价指标,采用蒙特卡洛方法进行了仿真分析,得到了不同仿真条件下各个因素对定位精度具体的影响关系,这些结论为根据精度参数合理选择浮标阵的数量及布放阵型提供了依据。 相似文献
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小口径速射舰炮受弹鼓容量及舰炮发射系统限制,一般不能在舰炮武器系统有效射击范围内全航路持续射击,这就要求对射击方法进行研究。应用蒙特卡洛法,在MATLAB软件平台上计算了小口径速射舰炮武器系统对匀速直线运动导弹的命中概率与弹丸相遇点距离间的关系,提出了以全航路最大概率命中导弹有效部位为基础制定射击终止点,反推射击起始点的射击方法,提高了舰炮武器系统在全航路射弹数限定条件下的命中概率;以舰炮武器系统跟踪器最大跟踪角速度限制因素为例,分析了导弹运动速度、航路捷径与射击区域的对应关系,并应用本方法对导弹典型航路的射击方案进行了仿真。仿真结果表明该方法在一定条件下能有效提高舰炮武器系统对导弹的全航路命中概率。 相似文献
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The F‐35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) programme is important for innovation in the Dutch economy and also contributes to other programmes in the aerospace industry (spin‐off) and other industries (spillover). On top of the expected value of US$9.2 billion in development and production, based on interviews with 10 companies and research institutes, an expected spin‐off of US$1.1 billion and an expected spillover of US$120 million will result. In addition, over 23,000 man‐years are associated with the activities in the development and production of the JSF. This study excludes the large and labour‐intensive Maintenance, Repair and Overhaul (MRO) activities. Further validation of data and an update of current results is planned for 2006. 相似文献
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Issaka K Souaré 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):96-97
The popular adage has it that ‘prevention is better than cure’. Given the heavy and enduring costs of armed conflicts, there is no disputing the fact that making efforts to prevent them from breaking out in the first place is better than waiting until it is too late. This entails two things: conflict prevention measures and early warning systems. Anything that could be done to effectively address the root causes of a conflict before it turns violent may fit into the former, while the latter aims to identify threats to these elements so that effective conflict prevention measures can be taken. In other words, ensuring ‘human security’ is the thrust of the former, while the latter serves as a surveillance camera for any deficit in providing the different components of this ‘human security’. It is with these two important issues that this essay deals, with particular reference to West Africa. 相似文献
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Anne Harrington de Santana 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):325-345
There are important similarities between the pattern of behavior Karl Marx identified with respect to commodities—a pattern he called “fetishism”—and the pattern of behavior identified in this article with respect to military force. Marx identified money as the mature expression of commodity fetishism; the author identifies nuclear weapons as the mature expression of the fetishism of force. As such, nuclear weapons function as the currency of power in the international system. This article lays out a theory of nuclear fetishism by adapting four themes that are characteristic of the pattern of behavior known as fetishism: materiality, historicality, efficacy, and reification. By applying these categories to the fetishism of nuclear weapons, the author shows that nuclear weapons represent a new social form consistent with, yet distinct from, other fetish objects. 相似文献
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Nina Wilén 《Defense & Security Analysis》2013,29(2):117-127
The Congolese security sector reform – disarmament demobilisation and reintegration (SSR-DDR) process has suffered from setbacks in its military sector during the last 10 years, such as insufficient funding, lack of coordination and domestic reluctance to major changes, with as a result, a very fragile and disjointed Army. These problems have deepened as officers have defected from the Army and caused new instability in the East of the Congo. This article aims to analyse the recent mutinies and the reaction by the Congolese government by applying a capabilities-based approach in combination with a typology of spoilers. The objective is to identify and classify the spoilers and answer the questions of why they emerge now and how they are dealt with on a national level. From the analysis, the author suggests that there are several spoilers involved in the current situation – the most powerful being the Congolese and the Rwandan governments, prompting the question of whether an international involvement is necessary to solve the problem. 相似文献
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