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141.
Richard B. Streeter Guy W. Hagen Edward E. Patenaude Dennis K. Killinger 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(6):569-587
This paper presents a model for converting legacy defense production facilities into private‐sector economic resources. Specifically, this paper will examine as a case study the first successful conversion of a former U.S. Department of Energy nuclear weapons production installation, including reasons for its success, its costs and benefits, and lessons for public policy. It is envisioned that this model may be useful for mitigating local economic hardship resulting from defense “downsizing” and for privatizing production capacities critical for national defense. 相似文献
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143.
Shireen K. Burki 《Defense & Security Analysis》2013,29(3):234-252
There is widespread acknowledgment that the modus operandi of jihadis affiliated with Al Qaeda and associated movements (AQAM) relies on brutal terror-inducing tactics which, more often than not, target Muslim and non-Muslim non-combatants. This article comparatively analyzes the AQAM modus operandi within the traditional stipulations of Islamic precepts with respect to waging jihad al saghir. The purpose is to glean whether or not such tactics such as suicide bombings, declaring fellow Muslim apostates in order to kill them, use of IEDs and EFPs to target civilians, constitute legitimate rules of engagement in jihad al saghir. 相似文献
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T. V. Paul 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(1):149-169
The pattern of civil–military interaction in India is informed by the notion that civilians should refrain from involvement in operational matters. The emergence of this trend can be traced back to the defeat against China in 1962. In its aftermath, the belief that the debacle occurred because of civilian interference took hold. Thereafter, politicians restricted themselves to giving overall directives, leaving operational matters to the military. The Indian ‘victory’ in the subsequent war with Pakistan was seen as vindicating this arrangement. This essay argues that the conventional reading of the China crisis is at best misleading and at worst erroneous. Further, it contends that the subsequent war with Pakistan actually underscores the problems of civilian non-involvement in operational issues. The historical narrative underpinning the norm of civilian abstention is at the very least dubious. 相似文献
147.
Gerhard Kümmel 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(2):7-28
The debate on the civil–military gap and especially the TISS findings are viewed with a focus on Germany. After outlining the historical development of civil–military relations, the question of a civil–military gap is explored with data from 2001. The study finds similarities and differences in the attitudes of the civilian and the military population on several issues. Overall, there is a broad overlap of attitudes, yet differences do exist, especially on issues of foreign policy and things military. It is argued that at the beginning of the twenty-first century, civil–military relations in Germany are largely uncontested, but will become more strained. 相似文献
148.
Sangkuk Lee 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(2):198-221
Entering the twenty-first century, China has demonstrated an assertive foreign policy, not only in employing various types of economic and military leverage but also in conducting the Three Warfares (三战) – psychological warfare, public opinion warfare, and legal warfare. This article attempts to identify the motives and methods of China’s Three Warfares by analyzing its history, logic, and agents. Based on this analysis, the author also presents the position of the Three Warfares in China’s foreign policy and the warfares’ impact on the international security environment involving other major powers and China’s neighbors. 相似文献
149.
B.K. GREENER-BARCHAM 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):90-112
Some scholars would have us believe that the distinctions between military and policing roles, methods and objectives have become increasingly blurred by the security demands of a post-Cold War and post-11 September global and domestic order. This article explores the current state of the police–military divide through a conceptual and case study analysis. It concludes that, in this case, there is some conflation occurring at a macro-level as international and domestic affairs have become increasingly indistinct, but the article also demonstrates that the actual ethos and practice of these agencies still differs strongly. Most importantly, the article argues that this distinction is in fact a very useful one in planning for future peace support operations 相似文献
150.
In this article we introduce a 2‐machine flowshop with processing flexibility. Two processing modes are available for each task: namely, processing by the designated processor, and processing simultaneously by both processors. The objective studied is makespan minimization. This production environment is encountered in repetitive manufacturing shops equipped with processors that have the flexibility to execute orders either individually or in coordination. In the latter case, the product designer exploits processing synergies between two processors so as to execute a particular task much faster than a dedicated processor. This type of flowshop environment is also encountered in labor‐intensive assembly lines where products moving downstream can be processed either in the designated assembly stations or by pulling together the work teams of adjacent stations. This scheduling problem requires determining the mode of operation of each task, and the subsequent scheduling that preserves the flowshop constraints. We show that the problem is ordinary NP‐complete and obtain an optimal solution using a dynamic programming algorithm with considerable computational requirements for medium and large problems. Then, we present a number of dynamic programming relaxations and analyze their worst‐case error performance. Finally, we present a polynomial time heuristic with worst‐case error performance comparable to that of the dynamic programming relaxations. © 2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2004. 相似文献