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Victoria L. Zhang 《海军后勤学研究》1996,43(5):691-708
This article explores ordering policies for inventory systems with three supply modes. This model is particularly interesting because the optimal ordering decision needs to balance the inventory and purchase costs, as well as the costs for earlier and later periods. The latter cost trade-off is present only in inventory systems with three or more supply modes. Therefore, the result not only offers guidelines for the operation of the concerned inventory systems, but also provides valuable insight into the complex cost trade-offs when more supply modes are available. We assume that the difference between the lead times is one period, and the inventory holding and shortage costs are linear. We analyze two cases and obtain the structure of the optimal ordering policy. Moreover, in the first case, explicit formulas are derived to calculate the optimal order-up-to levels. In the second case, although the optimal order-up-to levels are functions of the initial inventory state and are not obtained in closed form, their properties are discussed. We also develop heuristic ordering policies based on the news-vendor model. Our numerical experiments suggest that the heuristic policies perform reasonably well. © 1996 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 相似文献
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Stochastic combat models are more realistic than either deterministic or exponential models. Stochastic combat models have been solved analytically only for small combat sizes. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to extend previous solution techniques to larger-scale combat. This research provides the solution for many-on-many heterogeneous stochastic combat with any break points. Furthermore, every stage in stochastic combat is clearly defined and associated aiming and killing probabilities are calculated. © 1996 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 相似文献
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This article suggests some of the principal factors behind the decisions by an increasing number of countries deciding that the achievement of their national objectives required a policy for population, and the way that they are likely to work out. By 1983, 35 developing countries had an official policy to reduce their population growth rate, and in 34 others, the government supported family planning activities--usually for reasons of health or as a human right. The number is remarkable given the many compelling reasons that governments have for not attempting anything so difficult as to modify demographic trends. The future results of population programs, in social and economic terms, are very difficult to quantify, thus defying cost-benefit analysis of the desirability of investing resources in this area, rather than in something else. There are also powerful political reasons why a government might well hesitate before embarking on a policy to reduce the nation's fertility. At the very least, it implies government interference in the most private and personal of human relations, an invasion of human rights, and a disturbance of the traditional patterns of society and behavior. For many countries that are pursuing a policy to limit population growth, the decision has been taken only after the grievous consequences of not having such a policy have already become manifest. The critical question is how soon a government will make the connection among political disobedience, economic and social distress, and the population explosion, and adopt a population policy. Although the number of developing countries that have officially proclaimed a strongly pro-natalist population policy is relatively small, many have Marxist governments. Overall, governments have several strategies at their disposal: 1) improving the accessability and the quality of the service; 2) promoting population education and family planning motivation (with the assistance of the media, folk art, and personal persuasion); and 3) applying a judicious mixture of incentives and disincentives. 相似文献