全文获取类型
收费全文 | 171篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 1篇 |
2017年 | 7篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 33篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 5篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有171条查询结果,搜索用时 203 毫秒
161.
Martin Ewi 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):207-231
The ousting of Dr Goodluck Jonathan marked the first time in Nigerian history that a member of the opposition unseated an incumbent in fair and peaceful elections. The smooth transition of power, uncharacteristic of Nigeria, was hailed by the international community as a victory. However, did Muhammadu Buhari win because Jonathan lost or did Jonathan lose because Buhari won? This article argues that Jonathan's growing unpopularity gave Buhari the win, and that Boko Haram played a major role in the president's sinking support. The 2015 presidential election was thus a win for both democracy and Boko Haram. 相似文献
162.
Martin Schönteich 《African Security Review》2013,22(4):34-44
In recent international armed conflicts private security contractors (PSCs) have played an ever increasing role and military advisors and tribunals are facing the dilemma of assessing the primary and secondary status of PSCs under international humanitarian law. In this article the misconception that PSCs are necessarily mercenaries will be dispelled. The possibility that PSCs might be categorised as combatants or civilians will then be explored. The conclusion is that where they are incorporated into the armed forces of a state, PSCs might attain combatant status. However, given that states are reluctant to formally incorporate PSCs into their armed forces, they will most likely remain essentially civilian. Their degree of participation in hostilities will determine whether they retain their immunity under international humanitarian law from attack and prosecution (as civilians) or whether they are rendered unlawful belligerents. 相似文献
163.
Since the 1960s Olson-Zeckhauser’s (1966) analysis, its ‘exploitation of the great by the small’ has provided economists’ core model of alliance’s provision of security/defense. But with the end of the Cold War, countries’ allocative behavior has diverged markedly from OZ’s predictions for defense as a homogeneous pure public good voluntarily provided. This paper suggests a replacement for OZ, with the essential difference that ‘defense’ rather than being aggregated into their single public good is disaggregated into more realistic categories of self-insurance and self-protection. Because allocative behavior in public good groups is essentially driven by income effects, we concentrate on these, which become complex and conflicted, giving much greater scope for goods-inferiority. The analysis is followed by numerical simulations, which conform to actual experienced allocations in NATO much better than the conventional ‘exploitation’ model. 相似文献
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.