全文获取类型
收费全文 | 493篇 |
免费 | 14篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 10篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 9篇 |
2013年 | 115篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 12篇 |
1991年 | 11篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 11篇 |
1986年 | 9篇 |
1985年 | 8篇 |
1984年 | 7篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 14篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 5篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 9篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1971年 | 9篇 |
1970年 | 5篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
1968年 | 5篇 |
1967年 | 5篇 |
1966年 | 7篇 |
排序方式: 共有507条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
331.
332.
This article aims to review some of the key lessons learnt by the Royal Ulster Constabulary's (RUC) Special Branch in the 37 years of the troubles in Northern Ireland. Above all counter-terrorism is an intelligence led operation and Special Branch are the key agency for this in all UK police forces, who have now benefited enormously from the expertise that the RUC's Special Branch built up over the years and have passed on to their colleagues throughout the UK. Intelligence is more often than not a human role and relies on human agencies, which was the case in Northern Ireland. The bulk of intelligence gathering was carried out at quite low levels although the sifting and analysing of it became a more specialist skill. Electronic intelligence and computerised systems were often quite low down in the order of priorities and uses, which tends to confound popular impressions. Agents, informers and good old fashioned ‘coppers’ who knew their patch were much more important both in terms of gathering information and in terms of undermining the terrorists morale from within and it was these factors that fundamentally defeated the IRA in Northern Ireland. 相似文献
333.
There have been growing claims in media circles and law-enforcement settings that street gangs and criminal groups are turning to Internet-based social networking sites for various reasons ranging from the showcasing of their images and exploits to the suspected recruitment of members. The present study investigates whether such a trend is, in fact, in place. The presence of street gangs on these Internet sites is referred to as cyberbanging. While there is some anecdotal evidence suggesting that gangs are turning to social networking sites, there is little available research on exactly how street gangs and criminal groups use the Internet. Our main argument is that gang culture is in many ways an individualized phenomenon and this feature ties in directly with recent assessments of the Internet as a setting that is governed by a process of networked individualism. This theoretical link between the individualized gang setting and the presence of gang members on social networking sites helps us understand why recruitment is improbable even in a context where people are openly diffusing their image and exploits to a growing number of Internet users. The empirical segment of this research adds to this general outlook. Based on a keyword search of over 50 street gang names, the three main social networking sites (Twitter, Facebook, and MySpace) were monitored for street gang presence. Results illustrate that gang presence on social networking sites is linked primarily to promoting a general gang or street culture through individual displays. In regard to the visitors to such sites, there is no evidence that they are being tricked or manipulated in any way. They are, however, showing their curiosity in regard to such groups and, for those who share their comments and opinions, signs of support are evident. Thus, whereas criminal gangs are not proactively using the Internet to convert anyone into being gang members, social networking sites are creating a new venue for people who share or are sensitive to the values underlying street gang lifestyle to come together. These sites essentially create a new convergence setting for gang members to interact with a wider number of people who would probably never have been exposed to their lifestyles and exploits through physical interactions. The study's conclusion extends these findings toward further research in this area, as well as outlining the more relevant implications for law-enforcement monitoring of this growing phenomenon. 相似文献
334.
335.
336.
Michael Brzoska 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(1):67-80
Available sources value transfers of weapons irrespective of whether they are paid for and how. Data from the U.S. indicates that the shares of arms given for free or on credit are high. If other arms exporters, all military aid and all credits used for military purposes are considered, which is done here on the basis of rough estimates and an opportunity cost model, the true cash costs of weapons in the year of the actual transfer are small. On the other hand, the financial burden of earlier arms imports via debt service has grown over time. It most probably exceeded the true cash cost of imports of arms in the late 1980s. Large differences between arms transfer data and the actual true costs of arms transfers means that analysis of the economic effects of arms imports without considering these financial aspects makes little sense. 相似文献
337.
Abdullahi D. Ahmed 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(5):485-506
This article empirically explores the relationship between military expenditure, external debts and economic performance in the economies of sub-Saharan Africa using a sample of 25 countries from 1988–2007. In investigating the defence–external debt nexus, we employ three advanced panel techniques of fully modified OLS (FMOLS), Dynamic OLS (DOLS) and dynamic fixed effect (DFE) to estimate our model. We observe that military expenditure has a positive and significant impact on external debt in African countries. Real GDP affects the total debt stock of African countries with a negative relationship. Our empirical results based on long-run elasticities show that a 1% rise in national output leads to a decline in external debt by 1.52%, on average. Policy-wise, the study suggests that African countries need to strengthen areas of fiscal responsibility and pursue models that encourage rational spending, particularly reductions in military expenditure. 相似文献
338.
Bruce G. Linster Richard L. Fullerton Michael Mckee Stephen Slate 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(4):285-302
This paper experimentally tests a number of hypotheses that follow from models of international competition that are based on Tullock style rent‐seeking models. Specifically, we designed and performed experiments to see how variations in the degree of publicness in the prize as well as changes in the values assigned to the prize affect alliances in terms of individual nation contributions, total contributions, burden sharing, and the likelihood of winning the prize. While there was substantial variation in individual behavior, the results of the experiments generally conform to the theoretical predictions of the rent‐seeking model of international competition and alliances. 相似文献
339.
This paper employs public choice analysis to explain certain kinds of military decision‐making during the Civil War. Specifically, the political costs and benefits which may have influenced policy with respect to casualty rates in the Union army are considered. A primary empirical finding is that electoral votes per capita are a strong explainer of casualties across Union states, all else equal. 相似文献
340.
Michael D. Gordin 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):375-380
Five Myths about Nuclear Weapons, by Ward Wilson. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2013. 188 pages, $22. 相似文献