全文获取类型
收费全文 | 446篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 10篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 9篇 |
2013年 | 81篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 10篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 8篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1989年 | 9篇 |
1988年 | 16篇 |
1987年 | 6篇 |
1986年 | 15篇 |
1985年 | 12篇 |
1984年 | 7篇 |
1983年 | 6篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 9篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 11篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 11篇 |
1974年 | 9篇 |
1973年 | 6篇 |
1972年 | 7篇 |
1971年 | 7篇 |
1970年 | 4篇 |
1969年 | 7篇 |
1968年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有455条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
Gil S. Epstein 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(6):469-484
We examine who benefits when there is a strong leader in place, and who benefits when a situation lacks a proper leader. There are fractious terrorist groups who seek to serve the same people in common cause against a common enemy. The groups compete for rents obtained from the public by engaging in actions against the common enemy. We determine the leadership structure under which each group is better off, as well as the circumstance that the common enemy prefers. We are able to state simple and general conditions for each group and the common enemy to benefit. 相似文献
52.
53.
54.
A O Adesoji 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):2-3
Abstract From the 1982 Maitatsine Uprising to the 2009 Kala Kato Riot, Nigeria has been bedevilled by ethno-religious uprisings with devastating human and material losses. In almost all these crises the police and the military have featured prominently as agencies tasked with the responsibility of maintaining law and order and suppressing insurrection. While it was not alleged that they precipitated some of these risings perhaps in their attempts to stem or nip them in the bud, they have been accused of escalating the conflict either by their slow and inadequate responses, their partisanship and their arbitrary responses, or by their slackness in managing the crises and their aftermath. However, but for their efforts the security basis of the Nigerian state would have been considerably compromised by religious fundamentalism given the level of preparedness of the groups involved, their resistance and, more importantly, the recurrent nature of the uprisings. This article reflects on the management of ethno-religious uprisings in Nigeria by the police and the military. It considers the nature of the security agencies' involvement in the crises and examines the factors both within the agencies and in the larger Nigerian society which have aided or hindered their effective management of the conflicts. 相似文献
55.
56.
Raphael S. Cohen 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):609-636
Despite all the talk of ‘hearts and minds’ being the key to counterinsurgency, local public opinion is rarely studied and when it is, it often yields surprising conclusions. Through analyzing polling data from Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, this article shows that public opinion is less malleable, more of an effect rather than a cause of tactical success, and a poor predictor of strategic victory. As a result, modern counterinsurgency doctrine’s focus on winning popular support may need to be rethought. 相似文献
57.
Edward C. O’Dowd 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6-7):1027-1049
This article explores the nature of the American war in Vietnam in an effort to determine whether it was a response to an indigenous uprising or an external effort by the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) to use a wide array of policies and programs to unite North Vietnam and South Vietnam under the party’s leadership. It argues that, although there initially were elements of the South Vietnamese population that rose against the southern leadership, the CPV gained control of their resistance and relegated it to a secondary role in the CPV war effort. 相似文献
58.
Chinese Theater and Strategic Missile Force Modernization and its Implications for the United States
The People's Republic of China (PRC), no longer content with its longstanding ‘minimalist’ nuclear posture and strategy, is enhancing the striking power and survivability of its theater and strategic missile forces and rethinking its nuclear doctrine in ways that may pose serious challenges for the United States. Although the modernization of Chinese nuclear and missile forces may ultimately result in greater strategic deterrence stability, this change will not come about immediately or automatically. Indeed, it is entirely possible that China's growing missile capabilities could decrease crisis stability under certain circumstances, especially in the event of a US–China conflict over Taiwan. 相似文献
59.
Jeffrey S. Lantis 《The Nonproliferation Review》2014,21(1):21-41
The number of bilateral nuclear cooperation agreements surged during the “nuclear renaissance” of the past decade. This proliferation is only partially explained by the prevailing approaches that focus on strategic imperatives. To supplement these explanations, this study draws on neoliberal models of economic competition to posit that bilateral agreement negotiations also exhibit conditions of “uncoordinated interdependence” and maneuvering to gain market share. Case evidence suggests the contours of supplier state bids for civilian assistance are determined at least as much by considerations about economic competition as they are by positive strategic goals. In addition, this study identifies several cases of cooperation where there appears to be little or no strategic motive for export agreements. The study concludes that patterns of economic competition and the influence of peers in defined competitive spaces alter material payoffs and impact policies. It also identifies a surprising role for principled restraint in dampening strategic and economic competition in some dyads. 相似文献
60.
Yasmine M. Abdelfattah Aamer S. Abu-Qarn Shadwa Zaher 《Defence and Peace Economics》2014,25(3):231-245
Egypt plays a pivotal role in the security of the Middle East as the doorway to Europe and its military expenditure reflects its involvement in the machinations of such an unstable region, showing considerable variation over the last 40?years. These characteristics make it a particularly interesting case study of the determinants of military spending. This paper specifies and estimates an econometric model of the Egyptian demand for military spending, taking into account important strategic and political factors. Both economic and strategic factors are found to play a role in determining military burden/spending, with clear positive effects of lagged military burden, suggesting some sort of institutional inertia, plus negative output and net exports effects. The strategic effect as a result of the impact of Israel’s military burden is mostly positive and significant, though its impact is reduced when the impact of important strategic events are taken into account. The military spending of Egypt’s allies Jordan and Syria generally seems to have had no effect on Egypt’s spending. These results are consistent over a range of econometric techniques. 相似文献