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341.
Adjacency‐based local top‐down search method for finding maximal efficient faces in multiple objective linear programming
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It is well‐known that the efficient set of a multiobjective linear programming (MOLP) problem can be represented as a union of the maximal efficient faces of the feasible region. In this paper, we propose a method for finding all maximal efficient faces for an MOLP. The new method is based on a condition that all efficient vertices (short for the efficient extreme points and rays) for the MOLP have been found and it relies on the adjacency, affine independence and convexity results of efficient sets. The method uses a local top‐down search strategy to determine maximal efficient faces incident to every efficient vertex for finding maximal efficient faces of an MOLP problem. To our knowledge, the proposed method is the first top‐down search method that uses the adjacency property of the efficient set to find all maximal efficient faces. We discuss this and other advantages and disadvantages of the algorithm. We also discuss some computational experience we have had with our computer code for implementing the algorithm. This computational experience involved solving several MOLP problems with the code. 相似文献
342.
驱动器并联方式能有效扩大驱动容量,但该方式容易引入环流。为了抑制环流,分析了两个独立电源供电的两台驱动器并联结构系统,阐述了环流的特性,并提出了基于环流反馈的控制结构。这种控制结构通过环流的反馈,只需要控制调整其中一台驱动器,就可减小两台驱动器输出电压的差异,实现环流抑制。仿真结果表明:这种控制结构降低了控制的复杂性,能够抑制环流,实现独立电源供电的无刷直流电机驱动器并联。 相似文献
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Christine M. Leah 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(4):521-534
ABSTRACTFrom 1944 to 1973 Australia attempted to acquire atomic weaponry. This ambition was driven by the desire to contribute to defending British interests in Asia, fears of invasion by China, Indonesia, and Japan, great-power war, and the belief that nuclear weapons were merely bigger and better conventional weapons, that they would proliferate, and that US security assurances lacked credibility. Although the pursuit of the bomb was eventually abandoned, this was not the result of US assurances. Rather, geopolitical changes in Australia’s environment meant that a major attack on the continent was unlikely to occur outside the context of a confrontation between the US, China, and the Soviet Union. This article argues that Australia may soon have to rethink its policies towards US extended deterrence and instead focus on developing its own deterrent. 相似文献
345.
Susan B. Martin 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(3):321-364
The role of norms and military utility in the use of weapons is disputed by constructivist and realist scholars. Through an examination of US decision-making regarding anti-plant and irritant agents in the Vietnam War, I advance this debate in three key ways. First, I develop structural realism’s expectations regarding the role of military utility. Second, I demonstrate that social and material factors are at play in our understandings of both ‘norms’ and ‘military utility’, and that both played a role in US decisions. Third, I find that the dominant role – as structural realism expects – was played by military utility. 相似文献
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简化电磁发射装置中的导轨和电枢为线电流下的直导体,建立发射装置的物理模型。利用毕奥-萨伐尔定律和感应电动势原理,推导出磁探针线圈中心放置点的磁感强度。假设线圈范围内的磁场为均匀磁场,计算得到磁探针线圈产生的电动势。以此设计测量所用的磁探针,并和测试数据对比验证模型的正确性。在多次试验中发现,发射过程中装置振动导致磁探针距离变化和角度偏转问题。测量并分析三组单次发射中的故障测试状态。仿真和实验数据表明:小范围距离变化没有使磁探针的测试性能失效,但角度偏移对下一步的速度拟合带来误差干扰,且随着角度增大拟合速度逐步减小。 相似文献
349.
Lawrence E. Cline 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(4):293-311
Particularly in African operations, United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces have faced significant problems in restoring stability. In at least a few situations, unilateral national military interventions have been launched in the same countries. In the cases of Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire, the British and French interventions respectively played a significant role in re-establishing stability. Lessons from these operations suggest that if effective coordination and liaison channels are established, such hybrid unilateral-UN missions can in fact be more successful than “pure” peace operations. 相似文献
350.
Timothy Edmunds Antonia Dawes Paul Higate K. Neil Jenkings Rachel Woodward 《Defence Studies》2016,16(2):118-136
In recent years, there has been a sharp growth in political and sociological interest in the British military. Set against the backdrop of the armed forces’ increasing presence in everyday life, alongside the organizations’ ongoing restructuring, the current paper focuses on the MoD’s problematic attempts to recruit 30,000 reservists by 2020; what has become known as the Future Reserves 2020 programme (FR2020). We argue that these changes are driven in part by the need to cut costs in defence. However, we also suggest that they are a reflection of the changing nature of modern military organisation, and the manner in which armed forces engage with the societies of which they are a part, and with the citizens that make up that society. We locate FR2020 programme in the context of a wider narrative about the changing nature of military organisation in contemporary western democracies, identifying structural, circumstantial and normative reasons for change. We also examine the specific challenges of implementing FR2020 in practice, including issues of recruitment and retention, integration and support, and relations with families and employers, drawing on the experience of comparator countries to do so. We conclude by considering the implications of these changes, both for the future of UK armed forces, and for the evolving nature of military-society relations in Britain. 相似文献