全文获取类型
收费全文 | 449篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 12篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 117篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 15篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 13篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 5篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 5篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 9篇 |
1971年 | 6篇 |
1970年 | 8篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
1968年 | 6篇 |
1967年 | 5篇 |
1966年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有459条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
131.
The rise of China has been fuelled by a massive military modernisation programme relying, in large part, on the acquisition of foreign military equipment. The question of how the world’s major powers define their arms transfer policies towards China is therefore crucially important. This article makes two original contributions. First, drawing on neoclassical realism, it proposes an explanatory framework integrating international and domestic factors to explain variations in major powers’ arms transfers. Second, based on a large body of elite interviews and diplomatic cables, it offers the first comprehensive comparison of American, British, French and Russian arms transfer policies towards China since the end of the Cold War. 相似文献
132.
133.
134.
135.
It has been argued that the discovery of a new natural resource greatly increases the risk of conflict. This research aims to study the effect of natural resources on military spending, using the data from rentier states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries from 1987 to 2012. In considering the ‘resource curse,’ the types of natural resources matter. Our empirical results demonstrate that the ‘resource curse’ arising from the abundance of certain natural resources, particularly oil and forest resources, leads to increases in military spending. In contrast, the rent from coal and natural gas has a negative impact on military spending, while the rent from minerals has no impact on military spending, controlling for GDP growth and per capita income. 相似文献
136.
We consider parallel‐machine scheduling with a common server and job preemption to minimize the makespan. While the non‐preemptive version of the problem is strongly NP‐hard, the complexity status of the preemptive version has remained open. We show that the preemptive version is NP‐hard even if there is a fixed number of machines. We give a pseudo‐polynomial time algorithm to solve the case with two machines. We show that the case with an arbitrary number of machines is unary NP‐hard, analyze the performance ratios of some natural heuristic algorithms, and present several solvable special cases. © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 64: 388–398, 2017 相似文献
137.
This article examines challenges in international nuclear safeguards pertaining to the timely detection of highly enriched uranium production at large-scale gas centrifuge enrichment plants. To establish where present gas centrifuge enrichment plant safeguards measures and approaches could be strengthened, we have created a discrete time model for simulating hypothetical misuse scenarios, both through transient phases and at steady-state. We find that timely detection of misuse at modern large-scale facilities presents a challenge for international safeguards. A toolbox of unattended measurement systems, along with remote monitoring, however, could be used to improve detection timeliness, enabling the initiation of follow-up activities, potentially on a rapid time scale. These measures, which would need very low false alarm rates, should be implemented in a graded approach, depending on the characteristics of each enrichment plant and an analysis of plausible acquisition paths for the State in which it is situated. Some of these technologies could provide significant benefit to plant operators. 相似文献
138.
Paul Kallender 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):118-145
Japan has been overlooked as a ‘cyber power’ but it now becoming a serious player in this new strategic domain. Japanese policy-makers have forged a consensus to move cybersecurity to the very core of national security policy, to create more centralized frameworks for cybersecurity, and for Japan’s military institutions to build dynamic cyberdefense capabilities. Japan’s stance has moved rapidly toward the securitization and now militarization of responses to cyber challenges. Japan’s cybersecurity stance has bolstered US–Japan alliance responses to securing all dimensions of the ‘global commons’ and extended its defense perimeter to further deter but potentially raise tensions with China. 相似文献
139.
ANDREA E OSTHEIMER 《African Security Review》2013,22(1):24-36
Mozambique is widely regarded as a success story. The parliamentary and presidential lections in 1994 marked the peak of the peace process in Mozambique. Despite minor irregularities, the elections were declared free and fair by international observers. Mozambique has succeeded where other countries such as Angola has failed—a stable peace process, multiparty elections and the transformation of the armed opposition into a civil political party. Its transition to liberalism and capitalism brought macro-economic growth rates that are probably envied by many countries in the region. This article argues, however, that Mozambique provides an example of a third wave democracy where the transition from in electoral democracy to a consolidated democracy has not yet been completed, with little progress towards democratic maturity. In particular, the repercussions of the elections in 1999, Mozambique's ‘black’ November in 2000 and the process of recent consultation between the and Frelimo leadership in order to resolve the paralysed state of Mozambican politics underline a tendency towards a permanent entrenchment of democratic minimalism. 相似文献
140.
The possibility of domestic production raises a difficulty for arms export control measures, since embargoes, by raising the effective price of imports, increase the incentive for domestic production. We address this issue by developing a partial equilibrium model of the international arms market We compare three arms export regimes involving the exporters of high‐technology arms, with a particular focus on the effect of emerging domestic production: laissez‐faire trade, the uncoordinated regulation of exports and a producer cartel consisting of coordinated regulation. The main conclusion is that the possibility of domestic production significantly changes the nature of these stylized export regimes. 相似文献