全文获取类型
收费全文 | 399篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 105篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 8篇 |
1993年 | 5篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 12篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 10篇 |
1986年 | 11篇 |
1985年 | 14篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 6篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 8篇 |
1971年 | 6篇 |
1970年 | 9篇 |
1969年 | 5篇 |
1968年 | 5篇 |
1967年 | 8篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有409条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
Peter J. Lyth 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(2):230-238
Catherine Andreyev, Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement: Soviet Reality and Emigre Theories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Pp.251; $34.50. Sergej Froehlich, General Wlassow: Russen und Deutsche zwischen Hitler und Stalin (revised and edited by Edel von Freier). Koeln: Markus Verlag, 1987. Pp.403; DM.39.80. Joachim Hoffmann, Die Geschichte der Wlassow‐Armes. Freiburg: Verlag Rombach, 1986. Pp.468; DM32. 相似文献
192.
193.
Lawrence E. Cline 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(2):273-289
Despite some tentative internal peace agreements, Nigeria continues to face violence from multiple groups. This violence feeds upon itself, with segments of the population being mobilized both for self defense and for pressing their ideological and practical goals. These multiple sources of violence, which the Nigerian government appears unable to control to any significant degree, have a long term corrosive effect on the country's internal stability. There are few reasons to be sanguine as to any rapid changes to the level of overall violence or the relative number of armed groups, although their specific identities may shift. Nigeria represents a good case study of a country in which relatively low but persistent violence by a multiplicity of groups can have major impacts on internal security. 相似文献
194.
Paul E. Roitsch 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(3):497-517
From 2006 to 2011, al Qaeda's East African proxy, al Shabaab, served as de facto ruling party of Somalia despite the efforts of the internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government (TFG). During these five years, a violent struggle between al Shabaab and the Burundian and Ugandan Peacekeepers of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) resulted in thousands of dead civilians, hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons, and a strategic environment inhospitable to reconciliation, recovery, or development. Beginning in August 2011, AMISOM was able to break the deadlock and force al Shabaab from Mogadishu, then subsequently, Kismayo, and ultimately to consolidate and reorganize in the Somali hinterland. In order to continue the momentum, the African Union and other partner nations must support the newly recognized Somali Federal Government (SFG), neutralize al Shabaab, and provide good governance to its constituents. Al Shabaab's revenue streams must be shut down and their offensive capability must be degraded while the strategic environment is shaped to ensure that conditions conducive to a revival do not exist. Failure to do so will likely see Somalia continuing to produce Islamic extremists and pirates to menace international maritime traffic in the Western Indian Ocean, destabilize East Africa, and adversely impact millions. 相似文献
195.
Peter Jones 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(3):137-154
In this contribution, Jones focuses initially on the experience of Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) and the reasons why this group stalled. The sources of tension that emerged in ACRS, and which ultimately led to its suspension, derived mainly from different views on the relationship between the nuclear and other issues in these talks, as well as the composition of ACRS and its role as a group of the multilateral track of the peace process. Jones emphasizes that regional security discussions in the Middle East must address multiple threats on multiple levels, and ACRS was never politically equipped to do so. Thus, despite the real, if limited, success of ACRS, any real security regime in the Middle East will be the product of a much more inclusive process which recognizes the essential importance of cooperatively addressing multiple security challenges, including those related to the problems of social and economic upheaval in the region. Jones concludes with an argument that the time may be ripe to embark on such a process in the wake of the war in Iraq and other far-reaching indicators of change in the region. 相似文献
196.
Prof Maxi Schoeman Phenyo Keiseng Rakate Lucy Mulli Andrea E Ostheimer 《African Security Review》2013,22(2):122-132
This study examines how young people who have joined the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on the two-year Military Skills Development System (MSDS) contract experience military service, and the effect this has on their ability to readapt to civilian life. The first part of the study examines the theoretical debates associated with military socialisation and reintegration into civilian life. Hereafter, the findings are presented in terms of the experiences of MSDS privates serving in the infantry, those that have left, and the perceptions of employment agencies in terms of the marketability of military skills. The conclusion is reached that MSDS members experience their two years in the SANDF as life-changing, that this affects their ability to reintegrate back into civilian society, and that the skills acquired during military training is of limited market value. The conclusion is reached that more needs to be done to assist these young military veterans to adapt to civilian life and to augment their military experience with more marketable skills to enable them to find gainful employment. 相似文献
197.
198.
This paper undertakes an empirical analysis of the economic effects of military spending on the South African economy. It estimates a neo‐classical model common in the literature at the level of the macroeconomy and at the level of the manufacturing sector. An attempt is made to improve upon the model by allowing the data to determine the dynamic structure of the model through an ARDL procedure. No significant impact of military spending is found in aggregate, but there is a significant negative impact for the manufacturing sector. This suggests that the cuts in domestic military procurement that have occurred since 1989 could lead to improved economic performance in South Africa through their impact on the manufacturing sector. 相似文献
199.
Jacques Fontanel, Les dépenses militaires et le désarmement, Editions Publisud, Paris, 1995, 136 pages. Jean‐Paul Hébert ’Production d'armement — Mutilation du systéme français’, Paris 1995 La documentation française, 221 pages. 相似文献
200.
Robert E. Kuenne 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):239-247
The design of military posture is an exercise in confronting potential enemies’ capabilities within the context of geographic, technological, temporal, political and economic constraints. No formal model is capable of encapsulating the essentials of so complex an environment for closed or simulated analysis, but it is useful to have an informal framework within which to reason interactively within these dimensions. This paper presents such a scaffolding, patterned on the notion of a military posture as the output of an economic process whose structure reflects important determinants of the characteristics and extents of weaponry and expenditures that are appropriate to the environment within the feasibility set determined by the constraints. The analysis remains at an abstract level, but it does highlight the important shifts toward preparation for littoral warfare, greater reliance on reserve rather than active forces, and necessary changes in missions among military departments. 相似文献