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461.
Robert W. Rosenthal 《海军后勤学研究》1980,27(2):231-232
An example of a network with flow costs depending on congestion is presented for which no system of tolls and subsidies exists which can ensure that all equilibria in the game of route selection are Pareto optimal. 相似文献
462.
Robert Thomas Crow 《海军后勤学研究》1973,20(3):431-447
Many Naval systems, as well as other military and civilian systems, generate multiple missions. An outstanding problem in cost analysis is how to allocate the costs of such missions so that their true costs can be determined and resource allocation optimized. This paper presents a simple approach to handling this problem for single systems. The approach is based on the theory of peak-load pricing as developed by Marcel Boiteux. The basic principle is that the long-run marginal cost of a mission must be equal to its “price.” The implication of this is that if missions can cover their own marginal costs, they should also be allocated some of the marginal common costs. The proportion of costs to be allocated is shown to a function of not only the mission-specific marginal costs and the common marginal costs, but also of the “mission price.” Thus, it is shown that measures of effectiveness must be developed for rational cost allocation. The measurement of effectiveness has long been an intractable problem, however. Therefore, several possible means of getting around this problem are presented in the development of the concept of relative mission prices. 相似文献
463.
M. L. Chaudhry 《海军后勤学研究》1972,19(2):369-378
The technique of probability generating functions has been applied to solve the steady state behavior of a discrete-time, single-channel, queueing problem wherein the arrivals to the queue at consecutive time-marks are statistically independent, but the service is accomplished in phases which are Markov-dependent. Special cases of importance have been discussed. In the end, mean number of phases, its special cases, the mean queue lengths, and the variances have been ascertained. 相似文献
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Robert Jervis 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):287-294
The most striking finding of the Chilcot Report is that the record reveals little that was previously unknown. A key point for its authors is that diplomatic alternatives had not been exhausted when the US and UK went to war. But, short of an armed attack by the other side, it is hard to say when they would have been. Here what was crucial was the belief shared by Bush and Blair that Saddam Hussain would not and could not change. For the British the issue of whether alternatives to war remained is particularly important because of its implications for international law, something that did not trouble the Americans. It remains unclear if Blair would have gained or lost leverage over Bush had he made British participation contingent on better American policy, for example on developing a workable plan for the reconstruction of Iraq. 相似文献
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Jacqueline L. Hazelton 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):68-91
This article analyzes the political utility of US drone strikes theoretically and deductively. Placing strikes within the context of the theorized political functions of force and considering how they fit into two grand strategies, restraint and selective engagement, I argue that these strikes buy the United States relatively little in the way of political effects assuring its own security because the terrorism threat they are intended to combat is a limited one within the skein of US global interests. Furthermore, their contribution to counter-terrorism efforts is likely to diminish with the adoption of armed drones by non-state actors. Drone strikes can, however, provide leverage over recalcitrant US client states while reassuring liberal partners and giving them some leverage over US choices. In addition, within the counter-terrorism sphere, drone strikes are less likely to inflame popular opinion than are alternative uses of force. This analysis contributes to an increasingly rigorous examination of the strikes’ role in US foreign and security policy. 相似文献
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