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11.
International safeguards is the system of measures put in place by the International Atomic Energy Agency and states to ensure nuclear programs remain dedicated to peaceful purposes. This international safeguards system consists of agreements, inspections, and evaluations that have never considered the safeguards culture of a state or facility. Neither a common definition nor an understanding of safeguards culture is internationally recognized. This article provides an analysis of the concept of safeguards culture and gauges its value to the international safeguards community. The authors explore distinctions among safeguards culture, safeguards compliance, and safeguards performance, and suggest possible indicators of safeguards culture and methods to promote a strong, positive safeguards culture. 相似文献
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We examine the problem of estimating the item fill rate in a periodic inventory system. We show that the traditional expressions for line item fill rate, found in many operations management textbooks, perform well for high fill rates (above 90%), but they consistently underestimate the true fill rate. The problem of underestimation becomes significant as the fill rate falls below 90% and is greatly amplified in cases with very low fill rates (below 50%). We review other more accurate expressions for fill rate, discussing their relative merits. We then develop an exact fill rate expression that is robust for both high and low fill rates. We compare the new expression to others found in the literature via an extensive set of simulation experiments using data that reflect actual inventory systems found at Hewlett-Packard. We also examine the robustness of the expressions to violations in the underlying assumptions. Finally, we develop an alternative fill rate expression that is robust for cases of high demand variability where product returns are allowed. © 1995 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 相似文献
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Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
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Today, few countries fight alone; most fight as allies or partners in multilateral campaigns. The end of the Cold War opened a window of opportunity for multinational military operations (MMOs). These have seen varying degrees of participation, enthusiasm, and success. This special forum is devoted to the politics of multilateral warfare including their formation, maintenance, and durability. The introduction sketches past research and derives some key questions of continuing relevance. The contributions shed light on the domestic and international politics of MMOs, focusing on the implementation of national restrictions and their repercussions for MMOs, party politics of military intervention, the conditions under which states decide to defect from military operations, and the role of junior partners in MMOs. In sum, this forum offers a fresh look at the politics of MMOs, including conceptual contributions to the study of national restrictions, domestic constraints, and coalition warfare. 相似文献
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We consider the problem of optimizing assortments in a multi‐item retail inventory system. In addition to the usual holding and stockout costs, there is a fixed cost for including any item in the assortment. Customers' preferences for items include both probabilistic substitution patterns and the desire to purchase sets of complementary items. We develop a demand model to capture this behavior, and derive tractable approximations that allow us to formulate the optimization problem as a 0–1 mixed integer linear program. Numerical examples are solved to illustrate key insights into how both complementary and substitute items affect the optimal assortment and the expected profit. © 2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 50: 793–822, 2003. 相似文献
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Stephen F. Burgess 《Contemporary Security Policy》2016,37(1):111-143
This article synthesizes three elements of power and balancing in the South China Sea (SCS): analytical perspectives on China's behaviour and intentions, the American rebalance to Asia and the dispositions of American allies and partners. Based on extensive interviews and theoretical analysis, it concludes that ‘soft balancing’ backed by American military power provides the optimum chance for resolving the growing dispute. Short to medium-term weakness of Malaysia, Philippines and Vietnam, as well as Japan, means the United States must provide much of the military power while working to build their forces. The most promising alternative is multilateral diplomacy through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ Regional Forum, a vehicle for negotiating a Code of Conduct and implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. If China remains motivated mainly by defense of realist interests, the costs imposed against expansion will eventually cause recalculation of Beijing's strategy, and soft balancing by the United States and its partners has a chance of working. The constructivist perspective, stressing self-conceptualization of Chinese strategic culture, supports Chinese confidence that patience will eventually bring dominance. If China tries offensively to change the status quo, soft balancing is less likely to influence Beijing. President Xi Jin Ping appears to be offensively asserting power, seeking regional dominance before he is due to step down in 2023. This supports the finding of enhanced risks of unintended escalation in the SCS and the East China Sea. 相似文献
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Stephen M. Saideman 《Contemporary Security Policy》2016,37(2):289-305
The effort to degrade and defeat the Islamic State is like many other multilateral military efforts – characterized by widely varying contributions to the effort. This article seeks to understand the patterns of contributions. Three sets of explanations are applied: the lessons of Afghanistan and Libya, variations in how potential contributors feel the threat posed by the Islamic State, and domestic political dynamics. While there may be some political processes that overlap with the big lessons and with the threat of the Islamic State, the patterns of contributions thus far suggest that the key drivers of reactions to the Islamic State are the desire not to repeat Afghanistan combined with some impetus provided by Islamic State attacks in the various homelands. The conclusion suggests some policy implications as well as some ideas for future research. 相似文献
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Observations from inspection by a “test” method and a standard method are combined to provide estimators of population proportion, and of probabilities of misclassification for the test method. Results of Hochberg and Tenenbein [3] and of Albers and Veldman [1] are extended to the case where the standard method is not perfect, but its misclassification probabilities have known values. Both moment and maximum-likelihood estimators are considered and some asymptotic properties of the resulting estimators are compared. 相似文献