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251.
John J. Yurechko 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(1):44-73
One of the effects of Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms is the steady erosion of the ideological integrity of Marxism‐Leninism‐Maoism. To compensate for that erosion, the Chinese Communist Party has turned to patriotic nationalism for a new source of legitimacy. China's new nationalism transcends mere rhetoric but is manifested in the behavior of its armed forces ‐ which makes an understanding of the nationalist ideology of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) important. As revealed in PLA and related military publications, that ideology is a potentially problematic mix of wounded pride, historical resentment, and irredentism. 相似文献
252.
253.
Jonathan J. Schroden 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(5):715-744
Quantitative measures to gauge progress in a counterinsurgency in use today include the number of enemy, friendly, and civilian casualties, and the level of violence. While common, each of these has drawbacks. With this and the sparseness of the literature on this topic in mind, we argue for a series of improved measures. These include the ratio of who is initiating incidents, an historical analysis of incidents and related variables, and an analysis of insurgent target sets. These measures are presented using data for Al Anbar province, Iraq, along with a discussion of their advantages over more common metrics. 相似文献
254.
Andrew J. Dowdle 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(2):161-174
Previous research on African military spending suggests the existence of civil strife as the best predictor of high levels of military spending. However, little is known about why some African nations maintain strong ‘auxiliary’ or paramilitary organizations while others do not. This study finds that the presence of civil or interstate war does not strengthen reserve or irregular forces. Civilian governments promote strong paramilitary organizations to counter any threat the regular military might pose to regime survivability as a form of clientelist politics. 相似文献
255.
Thijs W. Brocades Zaalberg 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(4):399-420
History teaches that counterinsurgency and counterterrorism campaigns have never been won through purely military action. Defeating an opponent who avoids open battle, but who uses force to reach his goals, including terrorist action, requires a combination of police, administrative, economic and military measures. As a counterinsurgency campaign should pursue a comprehensive political objective, it requires high levels of civil–military cooperation. However, current NATO doctrine for Civil–Military Cooperation (CIMIC) as it emerged from the 1990s is founded in conventional war-fighting and outdated peacekeeping doctrine. CIMIC's focus is on supporting military objectives rather than enabling the military to make a coherent contribution to political objectives. This makes CIMIC unfit for the Alliance's main operational challenges that have expanded from peace operations on the Balkans to countering insurgent terrorism in Afghanistan. When developing CIMIC, the Alliance obviously neglected the historical lessons from counterinsurgency campaigns. 相似文献
256.
257.
Consider the conditional covering problem on an undirected graph, where each node represents a site that must be covered by a facility, and facilities may only be established at these nodes. Each facility can cover all sites that lie within some common covering radius, except the site at which it is located. Although this problem is difficult to solve on general graphs, there exist special structures on which the problem is easily solvable. In this paper, we consider the special case in which the graph is a simple path. For the case in which facility location costs do not vary based on the site, we derive characteristics of the problem that lead to a linear‐time shortest path algorithm for solving the problem. When the facility location costs vary according to the site, we provide a more complex, but still polynomial‐time, dynamic programming algorithm to find the optimal solution. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2005. 相似文献
258.
The manufacturing process for a computer chip is complex in that it involves a large number of distinct operations requiring a substantial lead‐time for completion. Our observations of such a manufacturing process at a large plant in the United States led us to identify several tactical and operational problems that were being addressed by the production planners on a recurring basis. This paper focuses on one such problem. At a tactical level, given a demand forecast of wafers to be manufactured, one specific problem deals with specifying which machine or machine groups will process different batches of wafers. We address this problem by recognizing the capacity limitations of the individual machines as well as the requirement for reducing operating and investment costs related to the machines. A mathematical model, which is a variation of the well‐known capacitated facility location problem, is proposed to solve this problem. Given the intractability of the model, we first develop problem specific lower bounding procedures based on Lagrangean relaxation. We also propose a heuristic method to obtain “good” solutions with reasonable computational effort. Computational tests, using hypothetical and industry‐based data, indicate that our heuristic approach provides optimal/near optimal solutions fairly quickly. © 2005 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2005 相似文献
259.
Stephen J. Cimbala 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(1):65-80
Minimum deterrence is a compromise, or halfway house, between nuclear abolition or nearly zero and assured destruction, the dominant paradigm for strategic nuclear arms control during and after the cold war. Minimum deterrence as applied to the current relationship between the United States and Russia would require downsizing the numbers of operationally deployed long-range nuclear weapons to 1000, or fewer, on each side. More drastic bilateral Russian–American reductions would require the cooperation of other nuclear weapons states in making proportional reductions in their own arsenals. In addition, US plans for European-based and global missile defenses cause considerable angst in Russia and threaten to derail the Obama “reset” in Russian–American relations, despite the uncertainties about current and plausible future performances of missile defense technologies. 相似文献
260.
Leo J. Blanken 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(4):275-287
Three distinct, and seemingly irreconcilable, schools of thought are identified within the strategic studies literature. One which searches for “universal principles of war,” a second, “context-dependent,” approach that seeks to embed each instance of warfare within its concurrent social, political, technological milieu and, finally a “paradoxical logic” school, which equates strategy with the generation of uncertainty. The author offers some intuitive concepts from non-cooperative game theory to develop a “dominate-mix” approach to strategy choice. In doing so, he helps to reconcile these disparate approaches and provides a simple framework to assist researchers in framing military decisions as well as to assist planners in choosing among strategies. 相似文献