Evaluation of effectiveness of polymer coatings in reducing blast-induced deformation of steel plates

Incorporating elastomers such as polymers in protective structures to withstand high energetic dynamic loads, has gained significant interest. The main objective of this study is to investigate the influence of a Polyurea coating towards the blast-induced response in steel plates. As such, Polyurea coated steel plates were tested under near-field blast loads, produced by the detonation of 1 kg of spherical nitromethane charges, at a standoff distance of 150 mm. Mild steel (XLERPLATE 350) and high-strength steel (BIS80) plates with thicknesses of 10 mm were Polyurea coated with thicknesses of 6 mm and 12 mm on either the front (facing the charge) or the back face. The deformation profiles were measured using 3D scanning. Numerical simulations were performed using the non-linear finite element code LS-DYNA. The strain-dependent behaviour of the steel and Polyurea were represented by Johnson-cook and Money-Rivlin constitutive models, respectively. The numerical models were validated by comparing the plate deflection results obtained from the experiments and were then used in the subsequent parametric study to investigate the optimum thickness of the Polyurea coating. The results indicate that back face coating contributes towards an approximately 20% reduction in the residual deformation as well as the absence of melting of the Polyurea layer, while the front-face coating can be used a means of providing additional standoff distance to the steel plates.     

航空集群机载网络Failure-Oblivious路由策略

航空集群机载网络作为集群成员间信息交互的纽带,其路由策略性能优劣直接影响信息传输实时性与可靠性,从而制约网络化集群作战效能发挥.考虑到航空集群机载网络具有诸多不确定性,为应对路由失效以及尽可能避免路由更新,从路由选择算法的角度,在软件定义网络架构下提出Failure-Oblivious路由策略.与传统路由策略不同的是,...     

Insurgency by the numbers I: A reconsideration of the ecology of communist success in jiangxi province,China

Theorizing about Taliban operations in Afghanistan has its limits and it is possible that Kabul-centric strategies do not adequately address the unique circumstances of each region in the country. How exactly has the Taliban gone about attaining its objectives in Kandahar province and how have those approaches evolved since 2002? And how have the Taliban adapted to coalition forces' attempts to compete with the insurgency and stamp it out? The answers to these questions are critical in the formulation of any counterinsurgency approach to Afghanistan.     

The Kennedy Administration,US Foreign Internal Security Assistance and the Challenge of ‘Subterranean War’, 1961–63

US foreign internal security assistance, that is, support to ‘Free World’ governments threatened by subversion, terrorism, and insurgency, formed a central part of the Kennedy administration's strategy for defeating ‘wars of national liberation’. As part of the administration's counterinsurgency policy, support to police and paramilitary forces abroad was intended to improve the ability of friendly governments to identify and root our perceived threats to the states. Under the tenets of modernization theory embraced by administration officials, strong internal security forces were expected to contribute to nation-building by protecting the fragile development process underway in the developing world. However, in attempting to export the American police model, policymakers failed to consider whether US notions about internal security were appropriate for fractious and unstable regions of the world.     

An alliance between Cyprus and Greece: assessing its partners’ relative security contribution

The issue that this paper tackles is the assessment of the relative security benefits that Cyprus and Greece derive in the context of their cooperation on defence matters. This form of cooperation, known as the ‘Integrated Defence Space Doctrine’, aims at defending their interests in the Aegean Sea and the broader East Mediterranean theatre. The paper relies heavily on earlier research on this topic, which deals with the Greek–Cypriot alliance facing an arms race against Turkey, and uses a coefficient especially designed to assess the optimal levels of security and the associated defence expenditure of the two allies. A comparison of the relative security coefficient values for the two allies suggests that the security benefit that Greece derives thanks to its alliance with Cyprus exceeds the corresponding Cypriot benefit by far. Given the importance assigned to human resources by this index, in conjunction with the demographic problems of Greece, this conclusion justifies the recent Greek defence policy revision, emphasizing quality, capital equipment and flexibility of forces. This revision aims at satisfying the security requirements of the alliance and the increasing demands of an arms race against Turkey.     

Reconsidering publicness in alliance defence expenditures: NATO expansion and burden sharing

Over the past several decades, NATO allies have debated the relative burdens and benefits of NATO membership. Recently, this concern surfaced as members debated the magnitude and distribution of NATO expansion costs. This paper presents an economic model of defence alliances to identify the benefits and burdens of alliance membership. It suggests that defence expenditures provide public benefits if alliance members share common interests and mutual commitment; defence expenditures provide private benefits if countries lack common interests and mutual commitment. The model's results are used to discuss NATO's evolving roles and missions, NATO expansion and burden sharing across NATO members.     

BUSTING OUT

This report explores Iranian popular opinion on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and the determinants of Iranian attitudes. Using data from a 2008 survey of 710 Iranians administered by the University of Maryland's Program on International Policy Attitudes, we find that that a significant minority of Iranians (10 percent in 2006 and 14 percent in 2008) would prefer that Iran withdraw from the NPT. Our statistical analysis shows that Iranians who fear a US attack on Iranian nuclear facilities and distrust the International Atomic Energy Agency are more likely to want to quit the NPT. We therefore argue that those who do not trust other nations are most likely to oppose the NPT.