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221.
Given herein is an easily implemented method for obtaining, from complete or censored data, approximate tolerance intervals associated with the upper tail of a Weibull distribution. These approximate intervals are based on point estimators that make essentially most efficient use of sample data. They agree extremely well with exact intervals (obtained by Monte Carlo simulation procedures) for sample sizes of about 10 or larger when specified survival proportions are sufficiently small. Ranges over which the error in the approximation is within 2 percent are determined. The motivation for investigation of the methodology for obtaining the approximate tolerance intervals was provided by the new formulation of Lanchester Combat Theory by Grubbs and Shuford [3], which suggests a Weibull assumption for time-to-incapacitation of key targets. With the procedures investigated herein, one can use (censored) data from battle simulations to obtain confidence intervals on battle times associated with given low survivor proportions of key targets belonging to either specified side in a future battle. It is also possible to calculate confidence intervals on a survival proportion of key targets corresponding to a given battle duration time.  相似文献   
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The absence of formal diplomatic relations between India and Israel from India's hesitant recognition of Israel in 1950 and the establishment of full relations in January 1992, was the result of a complex interplay between two sets of tensions. The first involved the Arab–Israeli dispute, and India's sympathies with a post-colonial Arab world and with the Non-Aligned Movement; the second involved accommodating Muslim opinion within India. Normalization has proceeded more strongly as the growth of Hindu nationalism has weakened Muslim leverage on Indian foreign policy.  相似文献   
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Torture requires careful definition, because of the degree to which its definition often entails its moral condemnation. Torture involves the deliberate infliction of (intense) pain for coercive or punishment reasons. While emphasizing that the act of torture is indeed naturally seen as repulsive and ideally should not take place, I offer a non-utilitarian argument to ethically justify torture in specific kinds of interrogative cases. This argument closely examines the moral isomorphism between cases of immediate and delayed self-defense, showing that in both cases lethal force is justified. I further show that, once one’s life is forfeit, one’s other rights pertaining to the defense of one’s intended victims are likewise forfeit. As such, any form of interrogative torture necessary to procuring relevant information from persons involved in a lethal attack upon innocent persons is ethically justified. However, that an action is strictly ethically justified does not entail that it ought to be generally adopted. Several potent constitutional and sociological concerns are raised and considered.  相似文献   
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The problem of developing good schedules for Navy C-Schools has been modeled as a combinatorial optimization problem. The only complicating feature of the problem is that classes must be grouped together into sequences known as pipelines. An ideal schedule will have all classes in a pipeline scheduled in consecutive weeks. The objective is to eliminate the nonproductive time spent by sailors at C-Schools who are waiting for the next class in a pipeline. In this investigation an implicit enumeration procedure for this problem was developed. The key component of our algorithm is a specialized greedy algorithm which is used to obtain a good initial incumbent. Often this initial incumbent is either an optimal schedule or a near optimal schedule. In an empirical analysis with the only other competing software system, our greedy heuristic found equivalent or better solutions in substantially less computer time. This greedy heuristic was extended and modified for the A-School scheduling problem and was found to be superior to its only competitor. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 45: 533–551, 1998  相似文献   
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This article examines why paramilitary campaigns in Northern Ireland have continued despite the current peace process. In advancing three instrumental explanations of paramilitary violence, the author provides a useful analytical framework which shows that while organizational interpretations are dominating the public discourse, republicans and loyalists continue to use paramilitary violence as a strategic means of threat and coercion. Furthermore, even though policy implications are not discussed in detail, it will be demonstrated that the dominance of organizational imperatives has resulted in excessive leniency by the state, which - in turn - has contributed to the fragility of the peace process.  相似文献   
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