“Flectas non frangas”: revisiting early twenty-first century UK–US defense relations (2000–2005) after five years

Adopting the analytical framework of the established interpretive “schools” of Anglo-American relations, this article offers several reflections on UK–US defense relations as they occurred over the significant years of 2000–2005. During those years, trajectories were established on which UK–US defense relations continue to travel today and outcomes emerged which are still being navigated. This article concludes that the Latin phrase, “Flectas Non Frangas” (essentially translated as: “Bend not Break”), is the most appropriate to adopt to characterize the developments undergone in recent UK–US defense relations. Many historical and strategic lessons with contemporary relevance are drawn.     

基于IDEF0的C4ISR体系结构产品设计

由于IDEF0模型具有简单、全面且描述能力强等优点,利用IDEF0这一工具分步骤地进行分析,理清框架2.0中的体系结构产品的来龙去脉,描述了C4ISR体系结构的内容作战、系统、技术体系结构三视图,体系结构产品和通用参考资源,给出构造C4ISR体系结构产品的具体指导.     

两段探测目标的传感器任务调度问题0-1规划模型及算法

为解决指挥系统控制中的调度困难,研究了一类特殊的传感器资源调度问。主要分析了跟踪目标的探测次数、时间间隔和传感器资源等约束条件。用跟踪目标的重要程度之和作为目标函数,建立了一个0-1规划的数学模型,再利用变换将其转化为0-1线性整数规划模型。利用割平面法求解得出最优调度策略,其能在工作量饱和的情况下合理调度传感器资源。为提高求解速度,提出了对应的模拟退火算法。通过对一些不同规模实例的求解,在资源利用率和算法的求解速度等指标上,与割平面法及遗传算法进行对比分析,验证了模型的有效性和模拟退火算法求解的高效性。     

Homes for heroes? Assessing the impact of the UK’s Military Covenant

The British Military Covenant can be located in and from many sources and from 2011 onwards in primary legislation. This article argues that the provision of military housing amounts to an early test of how the military covenant is understood and used by those involved in defence policy, and those in the armed forces affected by it. It finds that housing was a prominent feature of how service personnel understood how they were valued, but was not explicitly understood as a covenant issue by those personnel or the officials in charge of the Defence Estates. We locate three reasons for this: (1) the covenant has been poorly translated from aspiration into policy practice, (2) the covenant is unevenly understood across its stakeholders which has the effect of generating disappointment through misaligned expectations, (3) those engaged in the reform process surrounding the Defence Infrastructure Organisation (DIO) saw the covenant as a means to energise reform. Ultimately housing was seen as a dry and technocratic business area and thus an issue ripe for being refracted through the covenant was ultimately left outside of its remit.     

Heuristics for the multi‐resource generalized assignment problem

The well‐known generalized assignment problem (GAP) involves the identification of a minimum‐cost assignment of tasks to agents when each agent is constrained by a resource in limited supply. The multi‐resource generalized assignment problem (MRGAP) is the generalization of the GAP in which there are a number of different potentially constraining resources associated with each agent. This paper explores heuristic procedures for the MRGAP. We first define a three‐phase heuristic which seeks to construct a feasible solution to MRGAP and then systematically attempts to improve the solution. We then propose a modification of the heuristic for the MRGAP defined previously by Gavish and Pirkul. The third procedure is a hybrid heuristic that combines the first two heuristics, thus capturing their relative strengths. We discuss extensive computational experience with the heuristics. The hybrid procedure is seen to be extremely effective in solving MRGAPs, generating feasible solutions to more than 99% of the test problems and consistently producing near‐optimal solutions. © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 48: 468–483, 2001     

Israel’s Security Nexus as Strategic Restraint: The Case of Iran 2009–2013

This article examines the debates in Israel between 2009 and 2013 over Iran’s nuclear programme as a reflection of a particular type of civil–military or civil–security relationship. It analyses how key actors within that relationship – particularly those with an intelligence background – engaged with media outlets in Israel and further afield to influence domestic and international opinion over how best to contain Iran’s nuclear ambitions. In so doing, it seeks to address one fundamental question: are governments in Jerusalem any longer the final arbiters over deciding what is in the national security interests of the State of Israel?     

Economic impact of the ministry of defence’s budget: methodological design and results for the Spanish economy

This article analyses the economic impact of the expenditure budget of the Spanish Ministry of Defence (MoD) and its Autonomous Agencies (AA), distinguishing direct, indirect and induced effects. The input–output methodology is used to find intersectoral effects on the rest of the economy. The article quantifies the economic impact in terms of production, gross value added (GVA), employed population, tax revenue, and also in terms of its contribution to the gross domestic product (GDP) of Spain in 2010. The results show that the activity of the MoD and AA generates 1.2% of the country’s GDP and 1.7% of total employment in that year.     

War for profit: English corsairs,institutions and decentralised strategy

In this study, we propose that in states with relatively weak central authorities, decision-makers had to develop market-oriented organisation solutions to successfully face a grave external threat, and these solutions proved to be efficient. Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines institutional theory, history and strategy, we analyse a case study, the use of corsairs (privateers) by England in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. We have found that the development of partnership companies went hand in hand for commercial and military purposes. English privateers proved to be economically efficient and superior to the centrally planned war operations of the Spanish empire.     

Allies at arm’s length: Redefining Egyptian–Soviet relations in the 1967 Arab–Israeli war

This article examines Egyptian–Soviet relations in the run up to the 1967 Arab–Israeli war. It argues that Egypt and the Soviet Union stumbled into brinkmanship with little coordination and no agreement on common objectives or goals. The article demonstrates how frustration and mutual disappointment were recurring features of the interactions between the two allies during the critical weeks prior to the war. In doing so, the article exposes new aspects of how Cairo and Moscow managed their alliance and assesses what that means to our understanding of the origins of this transformative war. These conclusions challenge revisionist accounts that attribute the start of the war to Egyptian–Soviet collusion and some traditional narratives that present the Soviet Union as an enterprising risk-taker invested in regional brinkmanship. The article draws heavily on Egyptian and Arabic language sources to examine Egyptian–Soviet interactions during this key period of Middle Eastern history.     

Factional politics in the Iran–Iraq war

This article examines the domestic causes of the Iran–Iraq War. It delves into secret discussions among Iranian political and military elites during the conflict, their analyses of their own performance on the battlefield, and their revealing public disputes and blame game decades later. It contends that an underexplored and yet critical driving force behind Iran’s prosecution of the war was factional politics. Along with state-level geo-strategic, regime-level security and individual-level ideological concerns, factional factors must also be examined to understand Tehran's war-time decisions. Iran’s factional rivalries began between the Islamists and the nationalists; and between the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the army at war’s outbreak, and eventually penetrated into the heart of the Islamist camp between the militant clerics and the IRGC.