全文获取类型
收费全文 | 195篇 |
免费 | 23篇 |
国内免费 | 13篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 13篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 42篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有231条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Adam D.M. Svendsen 《Defense & Security Analysis》2012,28(3):234-246
Adopting the analytical framework of the established interpretive “schools” of Anglo-American relations, this article offers several reflections on UK–US defense relations as they occurred over the significant years of 2000–2005. During those years, trajectories were established on which UK–US defense relations continue to travel today and outcomes emerged which are still being navigated. This article concludes that the Latin phrase, “Flectas Non Frangas” (essentially translated as: “Bend not Break”), is the most appropriate to adopt to characterize the developments undergone in recent UK–US defense relations. Many historical and strategic lessons with contemporary relevance are drawn. 相似文献
112.
战役情报是组织实施战役所需的军事情报,运用模糊层次分析法对战役情报的效能进行评估,可以对军队情报工作产生一定程度的导向作用,进而促使增强情报工作的针对性,优化情报工作流程和资源配置。模糊层次分析法具有较高的科学性和客观性,计算方法简单、使用方便,通过应用实例表明模糊层次分析法对于衡量某特定情报集在战役中的支持力度具有一定的参考价值。 相似文献
113.
Jack S. Levy 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(5):731-769
If a declining state has incentives for preventive war, the rising state should have incentives to delay a confrontation until it is stronger. We develop the theoretical paradox and examine the July 1914 crisis. Why did Russia, rising relative to Germany, not adopt a buying-time strategy? We argue that although most Russian leaders hoped to avoid a confrontation, they feared that the failure to support Serbia would lead to a loss of Russian credibility and a significant setback to Russia’s position in the Balkans, one that could not easily be reversed, even with Russia’s expected increase in relative military power. 相似文献
114.
C3I配合下炮兵间瞄对抗及取胜概率仿真模拟 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
研究了在各自 C3 I情报系统的配合下 ,红蓝双方炮火间瞄对抗过程的计算机仿真模拟 ,建立了仿真模拟模型 ,给出了作战持续时间 ,双方的取胜概率 ,作战结束时双方的剩余兵力等重要作战数据的仿真模拟算法。通过改变作战系统的初始值 ,可以获得理想的刻画作战系统重要特征的作战数据 ,这在兵力部署与作战运筹中具有十分重要的意义。 相似文献
115.
116.
D-S证据论在空中目标分类中的应用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
首先叙述识别、分类空中目标时需使用多传感器融合技术,分析可利用的各类传感器和从其可得到的各种目标属性参数,以及各种数据融合方法.然后详细介绍了基于D-S证据论的3种多源信息融合分类空中目标方法,并对具体仿真应用结果作了比较. 相似文献
117.
James Johnson 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(2):147-169
Recent developments in artificial intelligence (AI) suggest that this emerging technology will have a deterministic and potentially transformative influence on military power, strategic competition, and world politics more broadly. After the initial surge of broad speculation in the literature related to AI this article provides some much needed specificity to the debate. It argues that left unchecked the uncertainties and vulnerabilities created by the rapid proliferation and diffusion of AI could become a major potential source of instability and great power strategic rivalry. The article identifies several AI-related innovations and technological developments that will likely have genuine consequences for military applications from a tactical battlefield perspective to the strategic level. 相似文献
118.
119.
Clive Jones 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(1-2):160-180
This article examines the debates in Israel between 2009 and 2013 over Iran’s nuclear programme as a reflection of a particular type of civil–military or civil–security relationship. It analyses how key actors within that relationship – particularly those with an intelligence background – engaged with media outlets in Israel and further afield to influence domestic and international opinion over how best to contain Iran’s nuclear ambitions. In so doing, it seeks to address one fundamental question: are governments in Jerusalem any longer the final arbiters over deciding what is in the national security interests of the State of Israel? 相似文献
120.
Gregory D. Koblentz 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(3):372-409
The discovery that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in 2003 raised the question of why Saddam had prevented UN weapons inspectors from fully accounting for his disarmament. The leading explanation for Saddam’s behavior is that he valued ambiguity as part of a strategy of ‘deterrence by doubt’. This article argues that Iraq’s obstruction of inspectors in the late 1990s was motivated by his desire to shield Iraq’s regime security apparatus from UNSCOM’s intrusive counter-concealment inspections. The failure to understand how strongly Saddam’s concerns about his personal safety drove Iraq’s contentious relationship with UNSCOM set the stage for the invasion of Iraq in 2003. 相似文献