排序方式: 共有95条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
51.
杨希 《武警工程学院学报》2012,(5):7-9
执政党的自身和谐,是党的建设的重要内容,也是社会和谐的重要组成部分。探究并梳理建党以来关于党内和谐的思想,对于我们党在今后继续大力推进和谐政党建设、探索构建党内和谐的理论体系,都具有非常重大的理论价值和实践意义。 相似文献
52.
美国在非洲维和的经验教训及其启示 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
徐祗朋 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(1):39-44
开展维和行动是实现联合国宗旨和维护世界安全与稳定的重要手段。作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一,美国是联合国完成维和任务不可或缺的,甚至具有决定性作用的国家。冷战时期美国的非洲维和行动在争吵和小心翼翼中进行,冷战后美国的非洲维和战略经历了积极主动向有选择地介入转变的过程,当前美国的非洲维和行动则是在崇尚自主的前提下推广美国特色的维和,以期最大限度地彰显美国实力、维护美国核心利益。审视美国非洲维和战略的演变,汲取足够的经验教训,有利于更好地根据世情和国情定位中国未来的维和战略。 相似文献
53.
胡洪章 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(3):11-13
中国共产党在领导中国人民不断前行的进程中,善于总结,勇于创新,不断探寻出攻坚克难的“法宝”,夺取了一个又一个胜利。在新时期,党将继续保持这一优良传统,为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而奋勇前进。 相似文献
54.
Komlan Agbedahin 《African Security Review》2014,23(4):370-380
This article sets out to investigate the current paradoxical roles of border control agencies in order to contribute to the theoretical debate on border porosity and related security issues in West Africa. The colonial demarcation of African borders accounts for their porous nature initially, as borderland populations challenged the unjust scission of their cultural, economic, geographical and geopolitical spaces. However, new forms of porosity also evolved over time, masterminded by new actors. Drawing on the Ghana–Togo border case, and through interviews, observation and documentary analysis, this article argues that border control agencies are partly responsible for the current border porosity and attendant security problems as their jurisdiction has shifted to a multi-layered border parasitism. The article is not, however, an attack on border law enforcement agencies; rather it attempts to explore their roles in shielding the region, already exposed to terrorism and piracy, from further security threats. 相似文献
55.
李逢彦 《武警工程学院学报》2013,(5):8-11
深入学习贯彻习主席视察武警部队时的重要指示,加快推进武警院校转型发展,培养高素质新型军事人才,必须提高党委把关定向能力,确保院校转型发展的正确方向;必须提高抓人才队伍建设能力,为转型发展提供强有力的人才支撑;必须提高创新发展解决难题的能力,营造转型发展的良好环境。 相似文献
56.
The African Union is preparing for its enhanced role in the maintenance of peace and security by establishing a Peace and Security Council that is tasked with identifying threats and breaches of the peace. To this end, the AU has recommended the development of a common security policy and, by 2010, the establishment of an African Standby Force capable of rapid deployment to keep, or enforce, the peace. The ASF would comprise of standby brigades in each of the five regions, and incorporate a police and civilian expert capacity. G8 leaders have pledged support for the AU proposal through funding, training, and enhanced co-ordination of activities. For its part, the AU will need to undertake a realistic assessment of member capabilities, to clearly articulate its needs, and to set realistic and achievable goals. The latest plan for establishing a rapidly deployable African peacekeeping force will require something that similar proposals have lacked: the political will to fund and implement a long list of recommendations. Success will ultimately be judged by the AU's future responses to situations of armed conflict. Even if such responses are largely symbolic in the short term, a sufficient display of political will among African leaders could inspire the confidence needed to galvanise international support. 相似文献
57.
James A Joseph 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):15-19
Abstract The article evaluates the security challenges that are likely to occur along international borders in East Africa with the advent of the East African Community Common Market in July 2010. In an attempt to illustrate the porosity of borders and the likelihood that criminals could take advantage of the situation, the author describes the ease with which transnational crime could thrive (in the absence of efficient border security measures) under the guise of informal cross-border trade that derives its basis largely from the customs and historical linkages in the region. Border towns in the region are considered zones of risk but also opportunities for quick money-making ventures and deals that tend to attract a variety of criminals. While the danger is not alarmingly high, there is a likelihood that with the opening up of the East African Community to the free movement of goods and people, criminals will exploit this freedom to commit crimes such as human trafficking, drug smuggling and moving terrorists and contraband goods unless mechanisms are put in place to curtail these activities. Should this not happen, the mission of the East African Community could be jeopardised. 相似文献
58.
刘明亮 《武警工程学院学报》2011,(3):15-18
马克思主义中国化是实现中国共产党远大理想和中华民族百年梦想的必由之路。中国共产党90年的历史就是一部马克思主义中国化的奋斗史。90年来,我们党不断推进马克思主义中国化,推动中国革命、建设和改革事业向前发展,并获得了丰富的经验和做法。 相似文献
59.
Paul D. Williams 《战略研究杂志》2020,43(3):366-391
ABSTRACTOver a decade of security force assistance (SFA) initiatives to build an effective Somali National Army (SNA) failed because of the interrelated effects of political, contextual and operational challenges. The key political challenges were interest asymmetry between international actors and Somali elites, insufficient focus on institution-building and a lack of donor coordination. The principal contextual challenges in Somalia were the legacies of two decades of state collapse and the negative effects of clan dynamics. The main operational challenges were building an army while simultaneously fighting a war, the complexities of military integration, and the severe capability gaps afflicting the SNA. 相似文献
60.
JAKKIE CILLIERS 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):123-126
Africa has emerged as a strategic location for transcontinental narcotics trade. Particularly the West African subcontinent has turned into a cocaine warehousing and trans-shipment hub along the way to the European underground markets. At this juncture, African drug networks (ADNs) began to play a momentous role in global drug trade, and pose a considerable threat to international security, as they operate in more than 80 countries. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Interpol, and Europol perceive ADNs as one of the primary issues in international counter-narcotics policy. These agencies have launched several multilateral initiatives to contain the West African threat. None of these initiatives, however, retarded the expansion of the problem. Indeed, the containment efforts turned out to be quite embryonic. The ADNs eventually entered the Turkish market by the early 2000s. West African drug networks (WADNs) in particular have begun to operate within Turkey extensively, often supplying and distributing drugs. The gravity of the threat became ever more serious by 2012. The upsurge of the new threat has compelled the Turkish drug-law enforcement agencies to adopt new policies and counter-strategies. These policies have to be based upon proper strategic analysis of the threat. This paper seeks to address the need for a threat assessment of ADNs. It investigates the dimensions of the problem, profiles the members of WADNs, their modes of operation, and the factors that compelled them to exploit the illicit Turkish drug markets. The analyses are based upon the scrutiny of 227 narcotic interdictions files and statements from the African individuals in these case files. The paper concludes by presenting policy implications and recommendations for the Turkish security and foreign-policy institutions to cope with this impending threat. 相似文献