(Re-)emergent orders: understanding the negotiation(s) of rebel governance

Abstract

The concept of order is often neglected in the study of conflict – seemingly such a ‘disordering’ process. With the recent increase in the examination of rebel governance however, bringing order back into our understanding of rebel and insurgent groups has much to offer in exploring the everyday politics which connect authorities, rebel movements and the population itself, in a complex mass of intersubjective and power-based interactions and negotiations. Rebels both shape and are shaped by existing forms of order in complex and ongoing ways. This article explores how varying elements interact in the negotiation, framing and enforcement of order and develops an original analytical framework to examine the perpetual negotiations of rebel movements in their attempts to cement their control.     

基于核与灰度的区间灰数多属性群决策方法

针对属性值为区间灰数且专家权重未知、属性权重部分已知的不确定多属性群决策问题,提出了一种基于区间灰数的核和灰度的决策方法。给出了区间灰数的基于核和灰度的简化形式,充分利用区间灰数的核和灰度的信息建立优化模型求得属性的权重。在求出属性权重的基础上,运用灰色关联方法分别求取各专家的核与灰度距理想方案值的关联系数,综合两者得到专家权重,最终综合专家意见并对方案比较排序得出最优结果。鉴于此,提出一种基于区间灰数相对核与灰度的决策方法。最后以一个算例验证该方法的有效性和可行性。     

基于Bayes统计理论的射表编拟方法

全面系统阐述了Bayes统计理论下的射表编拟方法,具体研究了验前信息的处理、符合计算、编拟计算及试验用弹量的确定等几个关键难点问题,同时导出了确定先验分布中未知参数的计算公式、射表基本诸元的后验估计公式、射表试验用弹量的计算公式。通过两个实例对其具体使用方法给予了详细说明并对其结果进行了分析,指出应用该方法可以在相同精度要求下节省用弹量或在相同用弹量下提高射表精度,具有很好的经济适用价值。     

杂波对空中平台侦察的影响分析

为从功率角度说明杂波对空中侦察设备的影响,提出一种新的杂波功率计算方法,该方法将杂波功率计算从单散射块的简单模型扩展到全向散射空间的精确模型。首先,选取合适的杂波后向散射系数模型;其次,构建空中平台与机载雷达的几何模型,详细地推导了等距离环数学表达式,在考虑距离模糊情况下推导了杂波功率数学表达式;最后,仿真结果表明:该方法比文献杂波功率计算方法更加准确,从功率角度说明了杂波对侦察的影响,为后面研究杂波抑制奠定了基础。     

机动目标运动数学模型评述

近十几年来,人们对机动目标的跟踪问题进行了大量研究。问题的核心是如何建立机动目标运动的数学模型。本文主要对现有的空中机动目标的数学模型进行评述和比较研究。     

关于闭环火控原理中的若干问题

目前火控界对大闭环火控原理中的一些基本概念的看法还不太一致,有的甚至还比较模糊,对这些基本概念的深入探讨,对大闭环火控系统的发展有重要意义。本文针对其中一些基本问题谈了笔者的观点。     

大力弘扬改革创新时代精神 加快建设世界一流高等教育院校

习主席在庆祝改革开放40周年大会上的重要讲话,是新时代改革开放再出发的宣言书和动员令。学习贯彻习主席重要讲话精神,关键要全面推进学校深化改革创新,深刻认清弘扬改革创新精神对于建设世界一流高等教育院校的重大意义,牢牢扭住全面深化改革创新的主攻方向,科学处理深化改革创新的重大关系,既以顽强的战略定力坚定不移深化改革,又运用科学的工作方法积极稳妥地推进改革。     

Competitive Statehood in Libya: Governing Differently a Specific Setting or Deconstructing its Weak Sovereign State with a Fateful Drift Toward Chaos?

Abstract

Libya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands.     

智能时代的军事训练变革

随着智能技术的发展,人类已逐步迈入智能时代,而智能时代催生了军事训练变革。本文从智能技术影响军事训练典型领域的角度,分析了智能时代背景下,以大数据和人工智能为核心的智能技术,如何影响军事训练的理念、内容、方式及管理,并催生了这些领域的变革。研究表明,智能时代发展背景下,军事训练理念将更加先进,训练内容更加融合,训练方式更加有效,训练管理更加精准。     

Multilateral defense cooperation in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region: Tentative steps toward a regional NATO?

Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible.