首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   109篇
  免费   1篇
  国内免费   3篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   5篇
  2018年   6篇
  2017年   9篇
  2016年   2篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   10篇
  2013年   27篇
  2012年   7篇
  2011年   11篇
  2010年   18篇
  2009年   1篇
  2008年   1篇
  2006年   1篇
  2005年   1篇
  2001年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
排序方式: 共有113条查询结果,搜索用时 562 毫秒
81.
The end of the 1987 Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty has the potential to plunge Europe and NATO into deep crisis. Russia’s continued violation coupled with the Donald J. Trump administration’s desire to balance against Moscow and Beijing could force a new missile debate on Europeans. Even though Washington is trying to assuage its allies, the specter of another round of INF missile deployments to Europe is not unrealistic. Meanwhile, NATO’s European members face a dilemma. Some want NATO to resolutely push back against Russia. Others want to avoid a new deployment debate, at almost all costs. The Kremlin will use these cleavages to weaken NATO. If not carefully handled, NATO’s response to the Russian missile buildup could lead to domestic turmoil in a number of European states and render the alliance ineffective for a prolonged period. Europeans need to act now and voice their preferences in the military and diplomatic domains. A number of different military options are available, below the level of deploying new INF missiles in Europe. However, Europeans need to consider trade-offs regarding crisis and arms-race stability. At the same time, it will be up to European capitals to conceptualize a new arms-control framework for the post-INF world, one that takes into account today’s geopolitical realities and the entanglement of modern conventional and nuclear forces. Given the Trump administration’s loathing of arms control, concepts of mutual restraint may well have to wait for the next US administration. In any case, that should not stop Europeans from taking on more responsibility for their own security.  相似文献   
82.
This article explores the dynamics of social cohesion on the frontline. It attempts to show how micro-level solidarities largely depend on macro level organisational processes. I argue that frontline social cohesion is often the product of social development linked with the organisational structure. This general argument is applied to the case studies of two armed forces involved in the 1991–1995 Wars of Yugoslav Succession – the Croatian Army (HV) and the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS). Drawing on in-depth interviews with the former combatants I show how HV social cohesion played an important role in winning the war and how these networks of micro-level solidarity were shaped by long term organisational development.  相似文献   
83.
《人民武装警察法》若干问题评析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2009年4月,第十一届全国人大常委会第八次会议初次审议并向社会公布了《人民武装警察法(草案)》。同年8月27日,第十一届全国人大常委会第十次会议通过了该法。《人民武装警察法》的颁布施行,对于武警部队法制建设无疑具有“里程碑”式的意义。但是,不可否认,《人民武装警察法》并非尽善尽美,仍然存在着进一步需要完善之处。就其中的立法依据、调整范围、与其他法律规范的衔接、授权立法以及法律责任的设定等问题加以评析。  相似文献   
84.
武警初级任职教育教学特点决定着学科方向建设和发展。而学科方向对学科建设具有决定性的推动作用。武警部队初级任职教育院校要针对影响学科方向的问题,结合武警部队需要和院校建设特点,搞好学科方向建设。  相似文献   
85.
中国人民武装警察部队(以下简称武警部队)作为我国的一支重要武装力量,担负国家赋予的安全保卫和维护社会稳定任务。在当前日益复杂的斗争形势中,完成执勤、处突任务不仅要具备过硬的军事技能,而且也要善于运用谋略。《孙子兵法》中所蕴涵的“道义”、“庙算”、“知彼知己,百战不殆”等谋略思想,对武警部队执勤、处突具有很强的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
86.
《中华人民共和国人民武装警察法》(以下简称《人民武装警察法》)的有关规定实质上赋予了人民武装警察的职务防卫权。人民武装警察的职务防卫权与一般公民的正当防卫权在防卫的性质、手段、强度、程序和法律责任上有着很大的不同,人民武装警察的职务防卫权是一种公权力。人民武装警察在行使职务防卫权时要注意把握时机条件和限度条件。  相似文献   
87.
武警部队是处置突发事件的重要力量,其处置突发事件的职能具有特殊性。结合《中华人民共和国突发事件应对法》(简称《突发事件应对法》)和《中华人民共和国人民武装警察法》(简称《人民武装警察法》)等相关法律、法规,介绍了武警部队处置突发事件的法律制度现状,阐述了当前处置突发事件法律制度存在的一般问题和武警部队处置突发事件的立法现状,并提出完善我国突发事件应急法律体系的建议。  相似文献   
88.
89.
90.
The study examines the effect of noncognitive skills on early career choices among young job seekers. Specifically, we analyze the influence of personality traits on the decision by military applicants either to choose the military or a civilian career option. We use a unique micro-level data-set of applicants to the US Navy and exploit the fact that many individuals who initially apply for military jobs eventually choose civilian careers instead. In this institutional setting, job candidates use new information to update their beliefs about the military job match. Personality traits are viewed as productive abilities that influence applicants’ expectations about the economic return to the job and occupational training offered by the Navy. The study finds that many of the 15 lower order personality facets associated with the Big Five traits are predictive of applicants’ job choices and provides suggestive evidence of a link between personality traits, job match expectations, and career choice.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号