用卷积神经网络分类最大稳定极值区域实现汉字区域定位

获取对应笔画级连通区的最大稳定极值区域,实施形态学闭操作融合相距较近的最大稳定极值区域,融合后最大稳定极值区域对应的单个汉字区域;利用灰度共生矩阵描述最大稳定极值矩形区域的纹理信息,将其作为卷积神经网络的输入,卷积神经网络对最大稳定极值区域进行分类,过滤非汉字部分;利用最大稳定极值区域颜色直方图的Bhattacharyya距离等特征对最大稳定极值区域进行聚类,同一类最大稳定极值区域组合得到汉字文本候选区域;再次利用卷积神经网络对候选文本区域进行分类,过滤非文本部分,剩余的就是定位到的汉字文本区域。实验结果表明,该算法对于汉字区域定位具有良好的效果。     

基于0-1分辨矩阵的集群探测盲区判定

针对航空集群协同反隐身探测盲区的识别判定问题,在多种编队构型下的集群协同探测仿真结果的基础上,运用属性的0-1分辨矩阵方法进行识别,对于连通的区域,建立相关模型,求得允许目标通过的最小宽度,将建立的模型应用到模拟作战中,仿真结果验证模型的正确性和合理性。结论表明,航空集群协同横向探测盲区可视为探测区下的保护区;纵向探测盲区则视为连通区域;斜探测盲区的判定,则依据通道倾斜角、通道长度和宽度的比值而定。     

计算机实验教学软件环境规范化管理初探

根据实验教学的要求和不同的机型 ,对实验教学软件进行规范化管理 ,利用“克隆”技术和硬盘保护卡有效地保护数据和快速恢复数据 ,确保教学用机的安全和有效率     

新疆吸毒问题原因透视

新疆紧邻世界最大毒源地“金新月”,处在“金三角”和“金新月”两面夹击之下。近年来,新疆的毒品犯罪活动日趋突出,吸毒群体不断扩大,严重影响了新疆的社会稳定和经济发展。从宏观社会环境、微观环境及吸毒者个体因素三个方面对新疆吸毒问题产生的原因进行了深入分析,以期为新疆禁吸毒工作提供决策依据。     

The Crowe Memorandum,the Rebalance to Asia,and Sino-US Relations

Many contemporary academics and policy analysts have revisited the Anglo-German rivalry before 1914 to predict what may await China and the United States in the twenty-first century. However, few, if indeed any, have specified in what sense this comparison can be made. This paper attempts to fill this gap with a detailed analysis of the strategic parallels between the Anglo-German rivalry then and the China–US competition now through the lens of the Crowe Memorandum. The author argues that the basic parallel between the rise of Germany and the rise of China lies in the challenges they posed or pose to the dominant maritime power and system leader – Great Britain then and the United States today. This parallel also explains the similarity between the Triple Entente initiated by Great Britain prior to 1914 and the Rebalance to Asia launched by the United States in 2011. Furthermore, as in the case of the Anglo-German rivalry before 1914, the most crucial problem underlying the mounting China–US competition in recent years has been America’s deepening apprehension about the development of China’s anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) and naval capabilities. This development, from the US perspective, is threatening to deprive the US of its most crucial instrument to influence the strategic equilibrium on the East Asian littorals. Based on the lessons of the Anglo-German rivalry prior to 1914, the essay also examines the potential for mitigating, if not eliminating, the mounting competition and misgivings between China and the United States.     

Indian and Chinese espionage

India and China both have powerful spy networks; completely different in their approaches to espionage; both effective against their perceived enemies. China focuses first on internal threats, on Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then the US and Japan. India’s defense policy focuses on Pakistan and internal terrorist threats, and then on China. In reality, however, when it comes to spying on each other, both China and India suffer from incompetence and apathy – which endangers both their own security and regional stability. This article looks at how they spy on each other, and asks why and how they need to improve. The narrative also touches upon some of the individuals who are waging the spy war, from India’s wily spymaster Ajit Doval down to junior Chinese agents such as Wang Qing and Pema Tsering. The two countries are not friends. They have the largest territorial dispute in the world on their hands, covering an area the size of North Korea, and they have large armies facing each other along 4000 kilometers of frontier. But they also lay claim to the world’s two oldest and richest civilizations, with a rich history of exchange, and now with a combined population of 2.6 billion people and more than a quarter of the world’s economic output. If they cooperated, they could solve many of the world’s problems; but if they lurch into conflict, the potential consequences are terrifying to contemplate. Unfortunately, despite their geographical closeness, they do not know much about each other. They have few cultural interchanges, little diplomacy, few trade missions. They do not watch each other’s films, read each other’s books or listen to each other’s music. Chinese tourists would rather fly to New Zealand for their holidays than cross the border to India, and Indian students would rather study in Europe than China. China and India are neighbors that barely talk to each other. Most significantly, they do not spy on each competently. For countries that do not interact socially, defensive understanding is important for security – but China prefers the glamor of facing up to its Pacific and other maritime rivals such as the US and Japan. India, for its part, does talk a great deal about the China threat, but its resources and expertise are wrapped up in controlling its security threat from Pakistan and the Islamic world. When China and India do try to spy on each other, it is often without the benefit of a long-term focus or understanding. India has some very skilled operatives within the Research and Analysis Wing, but few that specialize in China. China has an enormous pool of resources spread across several government departments, including the Ministry of Public Security, and also has extensive facilities and manpower in the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission (the JSD) and the new Strategic Support Force (the SSF). However, China’s intelligence services generally behave as if India is not worth spying on. Given that the two countries do not have the cultural or political machinery in place to understand each other, espionage and intelligence gathering is vital to ensure that miscalculations do not take place. This has been apparent over the last few years in stand-offs in the Himalaya, as well as top-level suspicions on each side about a variety of subjects including terrorism, covert operations in Sri Lanka and Burma, and the two countries’ nuclear weapons programs. Both countries do occasionally make efforts in espionage against each other, especially during sensitive periods such as the mountain stand-offs of 2014 and 2013 and during policy developments in nuclear warfare. In this article the author looks at actual spying incidents between the two countries, their methodologies, their staff, their technical capabilities, and how the act of spying, which is usually viewed as intrinsically adversarial, can be a force for good. The article relies on interviews with actual participants in intelligence from both countries as well as extensive use of contemporary online sources, and secondary analysis by both military and academic experts from China, India and NATO countries.     

‘It isn’t over until the fuel cell sings’: A reassessment of the US and French pledges of nuclear assistance in the 1970s

Based on newly declassified archival documents, the aim of this study is to contribute to an improved understanding of the evolution of the non-proliferation regime through an examination of US and French nuclear cooperation agreements in the latter half of the 1970s. The four pledges of nuclear assistance examined – US assistance to Egypt and Israel, and French assistance to Pakistan and South Korea – failed to materialise by the end of the decade. Why did that happen? What caused the four pledges to fail? We find that the 1974 Indian nuclear explosion and the emergence of opposing domestic factions on the nuclear front in the supplier states generated major changes in US and French nuclear export policies, and also contributed to the development of a collaborative partnership between the two competing nuclear exporters, on the other.     

BaTiO3的相温度曲线

根据BaTiO3的吉布斯自由能展开式,讨论了对称群Oh操作的所有不可约表示,考虑到不同不可约表示项的相互作用,并利用相稳定条件,推导出可能对称相的温度曲线。     

论社会诸因素在促进西域乐舞孕育、整合、传承中所起的作用

西域这一特殊的地理区域,各历史时期所显现的乐舞文化特色,都与社会意识形态的不断变化、民族间的融合以及丝绸之路的繁盛有着密切的关系,特殊的生态环境不仅孕育了独特的具有顽强生命力的乐舞文化形态,更丰富了西域民族乐舞文化的精神内涵。     

一种面向目标的伪彩色图像融合算法

针对远距离红外与可见光融合图像中目标不突出的问题,提出了一种面向目标的伪彩色图像融合算法。基于目标特征将红外图像分割为目标区域和背景区域,以人类视觉的生物机理和感受野的数学模型为基础,利用差分高斯函数(Difference of Gaussians,DOG)模拟视觉拮抗特性,对目标区域和背景区域用改进的感受野模型和不同的彩色映射规则进行伪彩色图像融合。实验结果显示:该算法能够保留图像共有特征,突出独有特征,融合图像色彩自然、目标突出,具有良好的视觉效果。