稀疏贝叶斯学习框架下的扩展目标雷达关联成像

传统的关联成像方法未考虑复杂扩展目标的结构信息,在高分辨成像时的应用受到限制,为此提出一种自适应结构配对稀疏贝叶斯学习方法。该方法在稀疏贝叶斯学习的框架内针对扩展目标建立一种结构配对层次化高斯先验模型,然后采用变分贝叶斯期望-最大化算法交替进行目标重构和参数优化。该方法将某一信号分量的重构与周围信号分量联系起来,并能在迭代过程中自适应地调整表征各信号分量相关性的参数。实验结果表明,该方法针对扩展目标可以有效地进行高分辨成像。     

某型运载火箭1/5动力学缩比模型设计

缩比模型试验是获取大型运载火箭动特性的一种有效途径,其中一项重要内容是动力学缩比模型设计。本文以某型运载火箭为原型对象,首先根据其结构组成分别推导各部件的相似关系;然后,利用横向刚度和质量相似系数保持一致性,联立形成了运载火箭横向动特性相似关系;同时,考虑实际加工制造条件,分析了横向刚度和质量相似系数的约束;最后,根据上述相似关系和相似系数约束设计了1/5缩比模型,并对该缩比模型的动特性相似进行了有限元数值计算验证。验证结果表明,设计所得1/5缩比模型在动特性方面与原型具有较高的相似性,相关方法能够有效应用于运载火箭的动力学缩比模型设计。     

基于累积前景理论的时间矩阵多属性综合评判模型

针对动态多属性方案排序优选决策问题,提出了一种基于累积前景理论的时间矩阵序列动态多属性综合评判系统模型。依据累积前景理论,将时间矩阵序列动态多属性决策转化为关于属性期望的益损时间矩阵序列动态决策,综合考虑各属性权重、各时间点的权重,计算各方案的最终综合前景值,并依据其大小对方案进行综合评判排序。最后给出了一个决策实例。     

基于灰关联分析和粗糙集的通信电台识别方法

通信侦察过程积累了大量电台通信记录,对这些数据进行分析、推理,可以识别电台的数量、装载平台等,为了提高识别正确率,提出了基于灰关联分析和粗糙集的通信电台识别方法。首先,依据粗糙集理论将信息表划分等价类,得到电台航迹;再根据灰关联分析计算雷达航迹和电台航迹的灰关联度,最后按照最大灰关联度原则进行通信电台关联。实验结果表明该方法适用范围更广,在多个平台的运动轨迹交叉且在交叉时刻各有电台通联、同一平台上的多个电台在不同时间通联这两种情况下,均能较好地对电台进行关联。     

时间跨度对GPS坐标序列噪声模型及速度估计影响分析

选取全球范围内72个基准站的坐标序列,采用改进的赤池信息量准则、贝叶斯信息量准则对不同噪声模型组合进行噪声分析,得到基准站坐标序列的最优噪声模型及速度参数,探讨时间序列跨度对噪声模型及速度估计的影响。结果表明,基准站坐标序列噪声模型不能由单一的噪声模型表述,其呈现出多样性特征,主要表现为幂律噪声、高斯马尔科夫噪声、闪烁噪声+白噪声特征,且三坐标分量表现出不同的噪声特性;随着时间跨度的增加,坐标时间序列的最优噪声模型、GPS站速度及其不确定度逐渐由发散趋于收敛,随机游走噪声模型的比重有所增加。结果表明10 a以上的时间跨度是较为理想的噪声模型估计尺度。     

基于不可信证据源与冲突重分配的证据合成方法

针对D-S证据理论在高冲突下失效的问题,在比较修正原始证据源和重新分配冲突两种方法的基础上,提出一种新的合成规则,新方法用可信度修正证据的同时,把全局冲突分为两部分,并依据"全局冲突在全局分配、局部冲突在局部分配"的原则对冲突进行细化分配。通过仿真分析,并与其他方法比较,新的合成方法能更好地融合冲突证据,收敛速度快,具有较强的抗干扰能力。     

舰载反潜直升机吊放声纳区域反潜策略建模

为提高舰载反潜直升机吊放声纳区域反潜搜索作战效能,对舰载反潜直升机吊放声纳区域反潜搜索策略问题进行了建模。根据潜艇目标位置信息的不确定性,研究了潜艇目标位置信息的概率分布函数,采用Markov状态转移概率矩阵描述了潜艇目标位置信息变化的方法。其次,给出了基于贝叶斯理论的潜艇目标信息概率分布函数更新公式。再次,推导了舰载反潜直升机吊放声纳区域反潜最优策略,给出了舰载直升机吊放声纳区域反潜搜索算法。最后给出了典型案例,验证了反潜搜索策略的有效性。研究成果可为舰载反潜直升机吊放声纳区域反潜提供决策依据。     

谈谈政治理论课的基地教学

当前,军队院校的政治理论课教学,以教员课堂讲授为主,重课堂理论教学、轻社会实践锻炼的现象比较严重。这种传统的教学模式不利于创新型人才培养和教育转型的需要。政治理论课必须向基地教学延伸。     

Turkey-Africa alliance: Evolving patterns in security relations

ABSTRACT

Turkey has maintained its strategic relations with Africa at the highest level under recent AK Party governments in the field not only of low politics but also of high politics. For example, it opened its largest overseas military base in Somalia in 2017 and signed military, defense and security pacts with more than 25 African countries. This article traces the deep historical and cultural relations with Africa behind its newly evolving foreign policy identity, arguing that its booming economic power has been a significant driving force in shaping a new security strategy. It examines what the growing security involvement means for both Turkey and Africa in order to contribute to the relevant literature through a holistic approach from both theoretical and conceptual perspectives.     

Re-thinking the Unthinkable: Arms Control in the Twenty-First Century

ABSTRACT

Since the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is.