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281.
采用溶胶-凝胶法将纳米TiO2负载在活性碳纤维上,制备出一种新型甲醛气体清除材料。在制备中依次掺杂Fe3+和十二烷基苯磺酸钠(SDBS)对纳米TiO2进行改性,研究了纳米TiO2光催化活性的变化,并测试了自制材料的甲醛清除效率。结果表明:Fe3+和SDBS的添加不会改变纳米TiO2的晶型结构,但有利于晶粒的成长和负载膜的光催化活性;添加体积分数分别为0.8%的Fe3+和3%的SDBS时,材料的甲醛清除效率最高。  相似文献   
282.
采用超声焊接铝合金箔材的工艺修复处理表面腐蚀受损的2A12CZ基体,并利用Quanta200型环境扫描电子显微镜分析了截面形貌及箔材与基体之间界面表面断口的微观形貌。结果表明:从截面来看,箔材与基体之间大部分发生了焊合,界面分界线大部分消失;从机械脱开的界面断口来看,其表面微观形貌表现为鳞片状及韧窝状的典型金属型断口形貌。这说明在给定条件下,焊接部位大部分呈冶金结合。最后对铝台金箔材与铝合金基体之间超声焊接机理进行了探讨。  相似文献   
283.
针对靶场海上试验发展的综合需求,对舰载试验指挥控制系统发展的必要性及现状进行了分析,重点从与靶场其它系统的接口关系、系统功能、体系结构及软件设计几方面完成了系统总体设计研究,最后阐述了系统实现过程的关键技术。实践表明,该系统的应用大大提高了海上试验指挥水平。  相似文献   
284.
To study the thermal decomposition of Al/ZrH2/PTFE with different Al particle size as well as mechanical strength and impact sensitivity under medium and low strain rates, molding-vacuum sintering was adopted to prepare four groups of power materials and cylindrical specimens with different Al particle size. The active decomposition temperature of ZrH2 was obtained by TG-DSC, and the quasi-static me-chanics/reaction characteristics as well as the impact sensitivity of the specimen were studied respec-tively by quasi-static compression and drop-hammer test. The results show that the yield strength of the material decreased with the increase of the Al particle size, while the compressive strength, failure strain and toughness increased first and then decreased, which reached the maximum values of 116.61 MPa, 191%, and 119.9 MJ/m respectively when the Al particle size is 12—14μm because of particle size grading. The specimens with the highest strength and toughness formed circumferential open cracks and reacted partly when pressed. Those with developmental cracks formed inside did not react. It is considered that fracture of specimens first triggered initial reaction between Al and PTFE to release an amount of heat. Then ZrH2 was activated and decomposed, and participated in subsequent reaction to generate ZrC. The impact sensitivity of the specimens decreased with the increase of Al particle size.  相似文献   
285.
ABSTRACT

The brief war that took place between Spain and Portugal in 1762 is one of the least known episodes in the latter’s military history, whereas, thanks to Wellington’s construction of the Lines of Torres Vedras, the French invasion of 1810–11 is right at the other end of the spectrum. Yet the two episodes are closely linked to one another. At the very least, they are uncannily reminiscent in terms of their details – in both cases substantial foreign armies were vanquished through a combination of irregular resistance, scorched-earth tactics and the clever use of field fortifications – and the article therefore argues that Wellington based the plan that defeated the forces of Marshal Massena on the strategy used by the Portuguese half a century earlier.  相似文献   
286.
研究了一种基于含氟聚合物的聚合物锂离子电池,考察了SiO2纳米粉对聚合物电解质隔膜的机械性能、吸液量以及电导率的影响,用电镜分析探讨了纳米改性聚合物电解质膜的微观结构;并以此纳米改性聚合物隔膜组装了小型的聚合物锂电池,研究了其电性能.  相似文献   
287.
ABSTRACT

Despite its portrayal as something new, the concept of the ‘gray zone’ is not novel. It was the Cold War battleground in which the USA and the Soviet Union waged rival unconventional campaigns, and it was there that the newly formed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was given responsibility for operating. This was not the organization’s original purpose, but Cold War exigencies forced Washington to improvise and build an organization with unique capabilities. These early years shaped the CIA’s operations directorate, creating two distinct cultures within the larger agency, one focused on intelligence collection and the other focused on covert action.  相似文献   
288.
ABSTRACT

As the United States and North Korea pursue negotiations on a “denuclearization” agreement, the two countries should consider initiating cooperative measures as a way to build confidence and encourage finalization of a complete agreement. Based on lessons from the initial engagements carried out under the Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program in states of the former Soviet Union (FSU), initial cooperation should focus on safety and security, training, and infrastructure elimination. By offering to implement these initiatives now while negotiations are underway, the United States could gain additional insights into North Korean intentions. These early initiatives could be proposed without compromising the US maximum-pressure campaign on North Korea by using the current authorities of the CTR program and carefully designing specific exemptions that may be required for any agreed measures. If North Korea is truly interested in pursuing disarmament efforts, the initial cooperative projects would enable them to begin reaping potential benefits while negotiations continue with sanctions still in place. These initial proposals could also be expanded to include additional international partners such as Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan. Such programs and initiatives would support and supplement longer-term strategies to address North Korean weapons-of-mass-destruction challenges.  相似文献   
289.
ABSTRACT

This article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program.  相似文献   
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