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151.
构建和谐社会是人类孜孜以求的社会理想,也是我们党不懈奋斗的目标。在社会主义革命、建设和改革的长期实践中,中国共产党人把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合,逐步深化了对社会主义发展规律的认识,这是我们党的一个伟大创造,是对科学社会主义的丰富和发展,是从我国社会主义初级阶段的实际出发,为完成党的历史使命而得出的郑重结论。中国共产党从创建之初起,就将思想政治教育作为实现自己社会理想过程中不可缺少的部分和环节。高度重视思想政治教育,不仅是中国革命取得胜利,同时也是促进社会主义和谐社会建设的根本保证和重要手段。  相似文献   
152.
在延安时期,中国共产党领导下的陕甘宁边区及各根据地,在农村文化建设方面进行了卓有成效的努力。这一时期的中共农村文化建设,具有以下深远的历史意义:实现了对广大农民的近代启蒙;为抗日战争的胜利奠定了广泛的群众基础;对建国后的农村文化建设产生了深远的影响;有力地促进了中共对农村基层政权的顺利承接;为西北尤其是陕北民俗文化走向全国乃至世界,提供了重要契机。  相似文献   
153.
我国军事刑法与俄罗斯军事刑法都分别在本国的普通刑法中用专章加以规定,相似之处很多。在军事刑罚方面,俄罗斯有很多专门针对军人、军事犯罪的特别刑罚很值得我国借鉴。对比中国和俄罗斯两国的军事刑罚,找出我国在军事刑罚方面的不足之处,借鉴俄罗斯军事刑罚制度中的可取之处,完善我国的军事刑罚制度,使之更适应我国军事、国防的发展需要,有利于预防军事、军人犯罪,提高我国军队战斗力。  相似文献   
154.
目前,中国面临的地缘安全挑战已经达到了一个危险的临界点,而对当前挑战的应对却没有表现出整体的成熟。显然,没有适应新形势的完整的地缘安全理论是造成出现不成熟的应对危机举措的重要原因。因此,从理论上突破传统中国地缘安全战略的影响,构筑新的完整的地缘安全理论,是一项紧迫而必须完成的任务。  相似文献   
155.
近年来中国特大事故不断发生,应急救援不力是中国安全生产事故后果严重的主要原因之一。美国是世界上应急处理经验十分丰富的国家,借鉴美国应急管理机构的管理经验,建立适应中国国情的、行之有效的国家安全生产应急救援指挥体系已迫在眉睫。  相似文献   
156.
和谐理念源远流长。《周易》是中国和谐思维的源头;和谐理念具有深层的气论根源——气化谐和;儒家的"和而不同"理念影响深远。西方的和谐理念深受毕达哥拉斯、赫拉克利特及黑格尔的深远影响。和谐理念是一种认识论和方法论,其内涵随时代的发展而不断丰富和完善。  相似文献   
157.
ABSTRACT

This article analyses the positions of the Chinese civilian leaders and military elites on Military Operations Other Than War in order to shed light on their preferences about the use of the armed forces in foreign policy between the late 1990s and the early 2010s. Over time, a significant divergence developed between civilians and soldiers until 2011, when the Libyan crisis happened. The study also prompts important considerations about our understanding of civil–military relations in China and future role of the People’s Liberation Army as a tool of statecraft in foreign policy.  相似文献   
158.
ABSTRACT

While most contemporary analyses of South Asian nuclear dynamics acknowledge the presence of a strategic triangle between the region’s three nuclear players, the primary focus usually remains on the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Discussions of Sino-Indian relations remain limited. This is likely attributed to the stability in the two countries’ relations, yet it is worth asking why this stability exists and whether it is likely to continue in the future. Although China and India have an acrimonious relationship, their asymmetric nuclear capabilities and threat perceptions mitigate the danger of a traditional security dilemma. India may perceive China’s nuclear aggrandizement to be a security threat, but the same is not true of China, which has a vastly superior nuclear force and is largely shaping its nuclear-force structure in response to the threat it perceives from the United States. This dynamic makes a serious conventional or nuclear conflict highly unlikely.  相似文献   
159.
ABSTRACT

For the first time in a generation, the US Navy finds itself in an era of great power competition. As US naval strategists and defense planners begin to organise materially and conceptually to confront the strategic and operational-level challenges posed by China and Russia, what should they keep in mind? What should frame their thinking? Absorbed with the day-to-day tasks associated with managing how the fleet is being built, operated, and rationalised, these busy officers and civilians seldom can step back and gain some perspective on fundamental aspects of the security environment and relate those to naval purpose. To that end, this article provides a primer on what to keep in mind and how to think in an era of maritime great power competition.  相似文献   
160.
ABSTRACT

This article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program.  相似文献   
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