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31.
Susan Turner Haynes 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(5-6):427-447
ABSTRACTWhile most contemporary analyses of South Asian nuclear dynamics acknowledge the presence of a strategic triangle between the region’s three nuclear players, the primary focus usually remains on the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Discussions of Sino-Indian relations remain limited. This is likely attributed to the stability in the two countries’ relations, yet it is worth asking why this stability exists and whether it is likely to continue in the future. Although China and India have an acrimonious relationship, their asymmetric nuclear capabilities and threat perceptions mitigate the danger of a traditional security dilemma. India may perceive China’s nuclear aggrandizement to be a security threat, but the same is not true of China, which has a vastly superior nuclear force and is largely shaping its nuclear-force structure in response to the threat it perceives from the United States. This dynamic makes a serious conventional or nuclear conflict highly unlikely. 相似文献
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张鹏飞 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2010,26(1):50-52
华夏民族在征服自然、创新社会、演绎历史的伟大实践中也创造了恢宏绚丽的民族优秀文化。中华民族博大精深、温雅畅融、弘萃通远的文化传统对于当代大学生彰显民族文化理念,树立民族自尊心、自信心,反对民族虚无主义,振奋民族雄起精神等皆大有裨益。为此,高校弘扬爱国主义教育将是德育施教的主旋律。 相似文献
33.
Paul Kallender 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):118-145
Japan has been overlooked as a ‘cyber power’ but it now becoming a serious player in this new strategic domain. Japanese policy-makers have forged a consensus to move cybersecurity to the very core of national security policy, to create more centralized frameworks for cybersecurity, and for Japan’s military institutions to build dynamic cyberdefense capabilities. Japan’s stance has moved rapidly toward the securitization and now militarization of responses to cyber challenges. Japan’s cybersecurity stance has bolstered US–Japan alliance responses to securing all dimensions of the ‘global commons’ and extended its defense perimeter to further deter but potentially raise tensions with China. 相似文献
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当代科技进步不仅影响着世界格局的变革,也深刻影响着国家的外交行为。随着中国经济实力和科技实力的快速发展,中国更为主动、自信地以大国身份融入国际社会,在几乎所有重要的全球性国际机制中都发挥着积极作用,遵守和履行相应的规则和义务,承担为国际社会提供公共产品以及维护正常合理的国际秩序等国际责任。但随着全球问题的不断增多,国际社会对中国承担更多国际责任的期待也在增多,有些西方国家甚至要求中国承担超出能力的国际责任。面对错综复杂的新形势,中国应该清醒认识自身的国际角色定位,在确保自身崛起的前提下,以科技实力和综合国力承担起力所能及的国际责任,为中国的和平发展提供更广泛的认同基础。 相似文献
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This study revisits the causal linkages between military spending and economic growth in China and G7 countries (i.e. Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK, and the USA) by focusing country-specific analysis for the period 1988–2010. The panel causality analysis, which accounts for both cross-country dependency and heterogeneity across countries, is employed in this study. Our results find evidence of the neutrality hypothesis for Italy, France, and Germany, the military spending–growth detriment hypothesis for both Canada and the UK, and one-way Granger causality running from economic growth to military spending for China. Furthermore, we find a feedback between military spending and economic growth in both Japan and the USA. Thus, our results do not support that one size fits all. 相似文献
37.
Andrew S. Erickson 《战略研究杂志》2014,37(3):372-402
AbstractThis article surveys China’s current naval forces and considers key dynamics and possible Chinese naval futures to 2020, the projected end of Beijing’s ‘strategic window of opportunity’, the idea that a peaceful external environment for economic development, globalization, and integration of China into the global economy allows China to benefit from diversion of US attention to countering terrorism. It considers broad possibilities through 2030, the general limit of public US government projections, and by which time multiple factors will likely slow China’s growth and compete for leadership focus and resources. 相似文献
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Peter Fabricius 《African Security Review》2014,23(4):412-421
When United States (US) President Barack Obama announced in 2013 that he would host the first United States-Africa leaders' summit the next year, he was greeted with considerable scepticism. Many critics thought he was just playing catch-up with other countries and organisations which had been holding Africa summits for years, especially China. But, whatever the motives, the event itself proved to be a substantial success, probably re-setting US relations with Africa for many years to come. 相似文献
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韦仁忠 《兵团教育学院学报》2012,(6):1-4
本文客观描述了当前西部偏远地区女童教育问题的实际状况,并针对存在问题进行了分析,提出了相应的思路。希望对实现两性教育公平,改变教育发展的不平衡状态,实现更大的社会公平有借鉴价值。 相似文献
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刘明亮 《武警工程学院学报》2014,(3):18-21
周边外交是我国总体外交的重要组成部分。在新时期,我们应当把中国梦同周边各国人民过上美好生活的愿望、同地区发展前景对接起来,让命运共同体意识在周边国家落地生根,并致力践行“亲、诚、惠、容”的周边外交理念。“亲”就是要传承山水相连、血脉相通的传统友谊;“诚”就是要坚持重义守信、言出必行;“惠”就是要让中国的发展惠及周边,实现互利共赢;“容”就是要实现和而不同、多元共生的包容开放发展。做好周边外交工作,为实现中国梦保驾护航并搭建更加广阔的舞台,带动亚太梦和世界梦。 相似文献