中国美育究竟应该怎样为现代化建设服务

在美育领域,有一种现象应当引起我们的注意:无论是教育者还是受教育者都是审美主体,因为两者的目的都是为了更好地对待审美对象,实现主体与客体的互通共融。当代中国的美育建设,要多从西方美的异化和中国特色社会主义美好事物的培育、展示的对比中彰显社会主义的优越性和鲜明的时代特色,激发人民群众建设中国特色社会主义的激情和献身精神。在当前,我国的美育建设可以采取主体和对象分层的办法作为创新方式方法的一种思路,要以活动为中心开展社会审美教育,要创新审美活动的组织形式和手段,加强审美教育并使之超越对事物的一般性感知,要让人们以欣赏的眼光对待中国特色社会主义建设取得的巨大成就,使美育所展示的美好事物成为激扬民族和时代精神的意向表达。     

论建国以来高师公共课《教育学》教材建设历程

中国高等师范教育公共课《教育学》教材建设分为四个时期：一、以引进为主,创建中国化的时期;二、 教材的政治化、政策化的时期;三、恢复教育学的学科体系时期;四、《教育学》教材科学化的进程与困惑时期。《教 育学》教材的建设随着教育理论研究几经周折,发展至今逐步走向科学化。     

中国维和警察特色理论研究

中国维和警察特色理论是中国维和警察学科理论体系基本框架的重要组成部分。对中国维和警察特色理论的概念、主体、特征、范畴进行了探讨,以构建中国维和警察特色理论的基本框架,为中国维和警察学科理论体系研究奠定坚实基础。     

中国与西方民主社会主义国家的混合经济体制比较

混合经济体制在科学社会主义的中国与民主社会主义的西方世界同时存在,并且都发挥了积极的作用。但是,学者们对混合经济体制的认识却存在较大差异,进而导致了论证上的分歧,文章在论述上将采取在国家意志层面上的混合经济体制概念内涵。通过对两种混合经济体制从所处的文明发展阶段、国家的指导思想、发生学、组成成分的功能以及目标趋向等层面进行比较分析,改变传统对混合经济体制研究中对两者在政治哲学、历史哲学等方面的不足。两种混合经济体制的相似点关涉到混合经济体制模式未来发展和对二者关系的认识问题,而传统对此研究的认识论基础主要是一分为二的矛盾分析法,故而在思想认识产生了上一些问题,文章将采用“一分为三”的方法论对此进行一些尝试。     

中国西部气候特点及其变化浅析

气候特点及其变化规律在生态环境演变中往往占据主导地位,它制约着区域的能量基础、水热组合及自然要素的发育方向,规定了物质、能量循环的规模、强度和结构,最终决定了该地区的生态、环境的类型、质量及承载能力。因此,掌握西部气候及其变化规律,可以为西部生态环境建设和保护提供理论依据和实践指导。     

新时期加强机关党建工作的几点思考

在新形势下,随着机关改革的不断深入,如何抓好机关党的建设,对提高党的执政能力有重要意义。本文提出了机关在党的建设工作中存在的五个主要问题,分析造成问题的原因,并提出抓学习、讲廉洁、出典型、抓队伍建设等工作重点。     

Civil–Military Relations in India: The China Crisis and After

The pattern of civil–military interaction in India is informed by the notion that civilians should refrain from involvement in operational matters. The emergence of this trend can be traced back to the defeat against China in 1962. In its aftermath, the belief that the debacle occurred because of civilian interference took hold. Thereafter, politicians restricted themselves to giving overall directives, leaving operational matters to the military. The Indian ‘victory’ in the subsequent war with Pakistan was seen as vindicating this arrangement. This essay argues that the conventional reading of the China crisis is at best misleading and at worst erroneous. Further, it contends that the subsequent war with Pakistan actually underscores the problems of civilian non-involvement in operational issues. The historical narrative underpinning the norm of civilian abstention is at the very least dubious.     

Stranglehold: The Context,Conduct and Consequences of an American Naval Blockade of China

The mounting challenge posed by China's military modernization has highlighted the need for the United States to analyze its ability to execute a naval blockade. A blockade strategy is viable, but it would be limited to a narrow context: the United States would have to be engaged in a protracted conflict over vital interests, and it would need the support of key regional powers. The United States would also need to implement a mix between a close and distant blockade in order to avoid imperiling the conflict's strategic context. If enacted, a blockade could exact a ruinous cost on the Chinese economy and state.     

China’s ‘Three Warfares’: Origins,Applications, and Organizations

Entering the twenty-first century, China has demonstrated an assertive foreign policy, not only in employing various types of economic and military leverage but also in conducting the Three Warfares (三战) – psychological warfare, public opinion warfare, and legal warfare. This article attempts to identify the motives and methods of China’s Three Warfares by analyzing its history, logic, and agents. Based on this analysis, the author also presents the position of the Three Warfares in China’s foreign policy and the warfares’ impact on the international security environment involving other major powers and China’s neighbors.     

REGIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON LOW NUCLEAR NUMBERS

President Barack Obama has outlined a course toward lower numbers of US nuclear weapons. Much attention has been paid to the US-Russian context, where deterrence is believed to be basically stable and conditions ripe for gradually reducing arsenals on both sides. But considerably less attention has been paid to the possible implications of lower nuclear numbers on other regions of the world and the reactions of both adversaries and US allies. If nuclear reductions are to be stabilizing and beneficial to security, reassurance and strengthened nonproliferation efforts in various regions need to accompany nuclear cuts. But the specific problems and remedies across regions vary. This article summarizes the results of a multi-author study. It concludes that regions with US allies and formal extended deterrence pledges may pose more vexing problems than those areas of the world without such close allies or commitments.