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11.
东西部高校对口支援实施十年来,西部受援高校实现了跨越式发展。本文运用后发优势理论,在综合分析受援高校借助对口支援充分发挥后发优势的经验基础上,对其中存在的问题作出反思,并有针对性地提出对策建议,以期为对口支援工作的持续健康快速发展提供借鉴。  相似文献   
12.
Asia, where nuclear powers already interact (including North Korea), exerts a growing influence on the thinking and policy underlying Russia's current and future nuclear (and overall defense) posture. China's rise is forcing Russia into a greater reliance on strategic offensive weapons and tactical nuclear weapons. These in turn will reinforce its opposition to US missile defenses, not only in Europe but also in Asia. Russia must now entertain the possibility of nuclear use in regional conflicts that would otherwise remain purely conventional. It cannot be postulated blindly that nuclear weapons serve no discernible purpose other than to deter nuclear attacks by other nuclear powers. The strategic equation in Asia and in the Russian Far East convincingly demonstrates the falsity of this approach. Nuclear weapons will be the essential component of Russia's regional defense policy if not of its overall policies – and this also includes contingencies in Europe.  相似文献   
13.
中国对联合国维和行动的贡献   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
随着我国改革开放的逐步深入和经济建设的蓬勃发展 ,我国的综合国力不断增强 ,中国参与联合国维和事务的范围和能力也日益扩大 ,投入不断增加 ,这充分体现了中国作为联合国安理会常任理事国在国际事务中的重要作用和影响  相似文献   
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新的历史时期,如何不断赋予当代马克思主义哲学的民族性特色,更好地体现中国传统哲学的时代性,正确处理马克思主义哲学和中国传统哲学的关系问题,形成新时期凝聚中华民族力量的精神信仰和价值追求,成为社会主义文化建设的一项重要内容。  相似文献   
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Since the post-World War II genesis of nuclear deterrence, two presidential initiatives have been presented to deliver humanity from the threat of its failure. The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a constellation of space- and ground-based systems that President Ronald Reagan envisioned would render nuclear weapons “impotent and obsolete.” The second is President Barack Obama's roadmap to “a world without nuclear weapons,” commonly referred to as “Global Zero.” While these proposals appear to have little in common, deeper investigation reveals a number of provocative similarities in motivation and presentation. Moreover, both generated fierce debate, often with ideological overtones, about their strategic desirability and technical feasibility. We use these parallels, as well as prominent dissimilarities, to draw lessons from the SDI experience that can be applied to the debate over Global Zero.  相似文献   
17.
Sean Mirski's assessment of a naval blockade is an important contribution to the debate over how the United States should respond to China's growing military power. Nevertheless, it has three limitations. First, although distant and close-in blockades could be employed in tandem, analyzing them separately helps to explain when they might be used and how they could influence escalation. Second, while conventional countervalue and counterforce options could also be employed together, this would depend on the degree to which they overlapped and the order in which they were implemented. Third, a blockade could lead to unanticipated prewar, intra-war, and postwar challenges.  相似文献   
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The People's Republic of China (PRC), no longer content with its longstanding ‘minimalist’ nuclear posture and strategy, is enhancing the striking power and survivability of its theater and strategic missile forces and rethinking its nuclear doctrine in ways that may pose serious challenges for the United States. Although the modernization of Chinese nuclear and missile forces may ultimately result in greater strategic deterrence stability, this change will not come about immediately or automatically. Indeed, it is entirely possible that China's growing missile capabilities could decrease crisis stability under certain circumstances, especially in the event of a US–China conflict over Taiwan.  相似文献   
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本文从旧式教育与名师影响、国民性的改造与民族精神复兴、硬骨头精神与倔强性格、反判传统与双重人格等四个方面对毛泽东和鲁迅进行了比较研究 ,指出两位伟人之间在许多方面的相似之处 ,为毛泽东所说的“我的心和鲁迅是相通的”做了阐释和注脚  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

The slow moving conflict in the South China Sea has been characterized by some as “not worth the candle.” China claims the entirety of the South China Sea pursuant to a nine-dash line, the legal impact of which has been limited by international courts. At the same time, China has changed the reality of control over the South China Sea by building a number of fortified islands in the Spratly Islands and elsewhere. The US has either refused to stand up to China's behavior (Obama) or responded unevenly (Trump). This paper examines the impact of China's behaviour on local parties, US interests, and the liberal international system.  相似文献   
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