中国共产党90年的奋皇功绩与经验启示

中国共产党90年,以艰苦卓绝的奋斗取得了丰功伟绩,积累了深刻宝贵的基本经验和启示：不负重托,不辱使命;保持先进性;把马克思列宁主义基本原理与中国具体实际情况和时代基本特征相结合;一切为了和紧紧依靠人民群众;加强和改进自身建设。     

维和警察应具备的基本素质探析

随着国际形势的不断变化,维和工作也日益复杂,对维和警察的基本素质提出更高的要求,在这种需求的基础上特提出了“一要、二增强、六懂、六会、五掌握”的训练要求。     

Brothers in arms,yet again? Twenty-first century Sino-Russian strategic collaboration in the realm of defence and security

2014–2015 were years of turmoil for strategic relations, with Sino-Russian relations emerging as a particularly interesting set of ties to observe. This article asks whether recurrent Sino-Russian exhortations of friendship are mirrored by their strategic alignment in the defence and security realm, half a century after the end of the Sino-Soviet pact during the communist era. We examine the arms trade between the two countries and with regional partners, but also the recent pattern of bilateral and multilateral military exercises, as a combined test of the security and defence relationship. We are able to show that the image of friendship that both Moscow and Beijing like to promote, while apparent at the UN Security Council and within the BRICS group, remains constrained by rivalry in high-tech segments of the arms industry and by lingering concerns about the prospects of peer interference in their shared regional vicinity.     

基于中间件技术的FGIS与PGIS对接实现技术研究

利用中间件技术,在不影响现有消防地理信息系统应用的前提下,充分共享警用地理信息系统（PGIS）已有建设成果,实现在消防地理信息系统（FGIS）中调用PGIS大比例尺矢量图等信息数据资源,降低了FGIS建设成本,减轻了业务数据采集、维护压力.并对基于中间件技术的数据对接设计思路、整体架构进行了详细阐述.     

Comment: Why “an identified systemic model of the democracy‐peace nexus” does not persuade*

In their article in this journal, James, Solberg and Wolfson (1999) challenge our findings that two states are more likely to have peaceful relations if they are both democratic. They claim to develop a simultaneous system of two equations showing that peace and democracy foster each other, and that the effect of peace in encouraging democracy is stronger than that of democracy on peace. Their analysis, however, is flawed. Their research design employs measures of dispute and joint democracy that are inferior to those now common in the literature, and their equation for predicting peace is not properly specified. These problems distort their results. Even so, their results provide evidence of the pacific benefits of democracy. Analyses we conduct with a more completely specified model reveal stronger support for the democratic “ peace. Furthermore, a test of the effect of interstate conflict on democracy should be done at the national (or monadic) level of analysis; but James et al. perform a dyadic analysis. In a monadic test using vector autoregression, we find that disputes make no contribution to explaining the character of regimes. Even with their dyadic method, their finding that peace promotes democracy is not robust Including a crucial control variable, the ratio of militarily relevant national capabilities, that James et al. omitted, dramatically alters their findings.     

COMPREHENSIVE NUCLEAR-TEST-BAN TREATY

President Barack Obama has pledged to secure the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which was previously rejected by the U.S. Senate in 1999. This article attempts to predict the potential implications of Washington's ratification for the treaty's future by analyzing the positions and options of the eight other essential holdouts. The authors conclude that without the United States to hide behind, facing domestic and international constraints, and lacking substantial strategic reasons to remain outside the treaty, most holdouts will move toward ratification. Nonetheless, the process is likely to be time consuming, and several of the key actors remain unpredictable.     

Boost-glide Weapons and US-China Strategic Stability

ABSTRACT

The United States and China are testing boost-glide weapons, long-range strike systems capable of flying at Mach 5 or faster through the upper atmosphere. For the United States, these systems would provide a conventional prompt global strike capability, which, together with US ballistic missile defense programs, Chinese experts regard as a threat to China's ability to conduct nuclear retaliation. This perception is encouraging the Chinese military to modify its nuclear posture in ways that tend to create greater risks for both sides. If China's own boost-glide systems are meant to carry nuclear payloads only, their deployment would not fundamentally alter the current situation between the two states. However, if they were conventionally armed or dual-purpose, or if the United States could not determine the payloads they carried, the deployment of Chinese boost-glide systems could compound problems of strategic stability created by the introduction of ballistic missile defense, antisatellite, and antiship ballistic missile capabilities. If the technical hurdles can be overcome, it may be difficult for the two sides to refrain from these deployments in the absence of strong mutual trust or an established arms-control relationship. New confidence-building measures and expanded mutual transparency are warranted to avoid creating new dangers.     

论我国治安调解及制度完善

在中国具有深远历史的调解文化的影响下,中国的调解制度迅速发展,并开始逐渐形成以法院调解、民事调解、治安调解为主体的“大调解”机制。治安调解作为秉承中国调解制度渊源,符合当前社会治安形势的一种办案方式,发挥着行政处罚所无法替代的作用。但在现实的基层公安工作当中,受制于有关法律方面的欠缺以及执法人员的素质等实际情况,治安调解工作存在一些比较普遍的问题,需要进一步的研究与解决。     

维和警察防暴队迎战原则探析

维和警察防暴队在海地任务区遇到很多实际问题。在执勤执法中灵活运用迎战原则,探讨维和警察防暴队迎战原则的法律依据、行动授权和执行程序,总结在任务区复杂多变的情况下维和警察防暴队如何依托国际法规,合理运用迎战原则,有效使用武力授权,合法利用武器装备,严格遵守执行程序的措施和方法,对于完成维和任务具有一定的指导作用。     

朝核问题对中国边境安全的影响

朝核问题一直是困扰东北亚地区安全的核心问题,自20世纪90年代第一次朝核危机至今．朝核问题不但没有得到妥善解决,反而更加复杂。2006年10月9日,朝鲜宣布成功进行了地下核试验,朝鲜半岛再一次成为全球关注的焦点。在前人研究的基础上,就朝核问题产生的背景,朝核问题对中国边境地区经济、地区稳定以及生态环境等方面产生的影响进行分析和探讨。