维和警察射击训练应注意的几个问题

维和警察射击训练中应重视枪的携带方法和快速出枪动作,在握枪时应掌握好握枪的用力和力量练习。要想提高射击的命中率还应练习“记忆”,射击是技能训练,技能训练更应该提高肌肉记忆和各部器官的感觉记忆。     

Between Man and Nature: The Enduring Wisdom of Sir Halford J. Mackinder

This article argues for the continued relevance of the work and theories of the British Geostrategist Sir Halford J. Mackinder (1861-1947). It asserts that commentators and scholars who seek to marginalise Mackinder have too often dismissed his theories without setting them in the context of their continued endorsement in crucial areas of the globe. After 1945, despite his theories being tainted by association with Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, both Moscow and Washington recognised the utility of Mackinder’s work and tailored policy accordingly. The end of Cold War saw Mackinder fall out of favour as his model was deemed unsuitable for policy analysis by a number of influential thinkers. It is argued here that, in recent years, the arena of international politics has seen a rehabilitation of Mackinder, accompanied by a resurgence of interest in Geopolitics. Finally, the piece examines those areas of the contemporary globe where Mackinder’s influence is greatest.     

浅析俄罗斯军事刑罚制度对我国的启示

我国军事刑法与俄罗斯军事刑法都分别在本国的普通刑法中用专章加以规定,相似之处很多。在军事刑罚方面,俄罗斯有很多专门针对军人、军事犯罪的特别刑罚很值得我国借鉴。对比中国和俄罗斯两国的军事刑罚,找出我国在军事刑罚方面的不足之处,借鉴俄罗斯军事刑罚制度中的可取之处,完善我国的军事刑罚制度,使之更适应我国军事、国防的发展需要,有利于预防军事、军人犯罪,提高我国军队战斗力。     

略论中国传统法制结构与清朝的新疆治理

清朝对新疆的治理,虽然采用了＂从俗从宜＂的政策,但由于清王朝以儒家学说和传统法制为立国之本,因此,清朝治理新疆的政策和具体制度,也无不显现出中国传统法制结构的特征。     

建构主义学习理论对民警教育培训工作的启示

作为一种新的学习哲学,建构主义学习理论的教学观、知识观、学习观、课程观及教师作用等方面都有独到见解,符合成人学习特点。在职公安民警培训是一种特殊的成人职业培训,建构主义必将对其提供不少可以借鉴的培训思路。     

公安边防情报工作中电子证据证明力问题研究

电子证据相较于传统证据,其具有的独有特征,给公安边防情报部门确认其证明力带来了困难.分析公安边防情报工作中电子证据的概念、特征和来源,探讨公安边防情报工作中电子证据的认定和保障问题.     

Signaling and Military Provocation in Chinese National Security Strategy: A Closer Look at the Impeccable Incident

On 8 March 2009, five Chinese vessels shadowed and aggressively maneuvered in close proximity to the US Naval Ship (USNS) Impeccable. This paper seeks to explain the incident and its aftermath in the context of Chinese coercive diplomacy. China's strategy, designed to motivate the US to cease surveillance operations near its militarily sensitive areas in the South China Sea, included three components: (1) the use of military provocation, (2) a coordinated media campaign, and (3) a challenge to US interpretations of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS). This study goes beyond traditional research on Chinese use of force to explain why China's coercive diplomatic campaign took the form it did. Only by understanding the nature and factors affecting Chinese coercive diplomacy can the US design the effective counter strategy needed to protect US regional and global interests.     

Space,China's Tactical Frontier

In recent years, China has made stunning progress in its satellite reconnaissance capabilities. Starting from almost no capacity for live surveillance ten years ago, today the PLA has gained the capability to support real-time tactical naval operations from space. China's suite of electro-optical, synthetic aperture radar, and electronic intelligence satellites would be key to its anti-access/area denial capabilities, through which the PLA could deny the United States military the capability to operate with impunity close to its shores. Furthermore, these achievements suggest a shift towards more military-dedicated space assets and form the contours of a crucial support system for expanded PLA operations.     

Competitive Strategies against Continental Powers: The Geopolitics of Sino-Indian-American Relations

This article makes three arguments about the Sino-American competition, the Sino-Indian rivalry, and the US-India partnership. First, past maritime-continental rivalries suggest that China will pose a greater challenge to American interests as it confronts fewer threats on land, while the US may require continental allies to counter-balance China's rise. Second, whereas a Sino-Indian continental security dilemma could benefit the US by compelling China to invest in capabilities that do not threaten it, a Sino-Indian maritime security dilemma could have the opposite effect. Third, Washington should consider India as a prospective continental ally rather than a potential maritime partner.     

When will the long nightmare come to an end?

This article seeks to show that the emotive reconciliation project in Zimbabwe, which is currently spearheaded by the Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration, is not new in the Zimbabwe polity. Its incarnation under the Government of National Unity clearly indicates the inadequacies and ineffectiveness of the initial reconciliation project, which was enunciated immediately after independence in 1980. In this article we argue that while the notion of resuscitating reconciliation is an important step towards durable peace, this institutionalised, state-centric and state-propelled project is haunted by the very same challenges that undermined and shattered its predecessor. We further assert that the reconciliation and healing project, which is politically engineered and institutionally driven without being inclusive and community driven, is a mere token that comes at the expense of durable peace and the actual victims of violence and impunity.