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排序方式: 共有254条查询结果,搜索用时 27 毫秒
181.
文中以合同战术级军事专家系统的实践为基础,以逻辑型语言为主要实现语言,描述基于黑板模型的问题求解策略,使用框架与产生式规则相结合的知识表示方法,以及运用基于预制文本与模糊文法的解释机制等。应用表明,本文提出和采用的方法与技术取得了明显的效益。 相似文献
182.
地理信息系统及其某些军事方面应用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
介绍了一般地理信息系统的数据结构特点和作为其基础的图像数据库,并着重说明了在军事方面应用的地理信息系统应有的功能及构成。例举了在某些军事方面应用中对地理信息系统的一些特殊要求。 相似文献
183.
针对系统实用C~3I 需求,重点对分布式数据库、计算机操作系统、网络协议一致性测试、军事专家系统、电磁兼容等关键技术进行了实用研究。文章可对C~3I 系统设计提供参考。 相似文献
184.
本文提出了一种新的底部带姿控发动机的飞行器气动力计算方法。该方法将S.C.Ward的工程方法与作者近年来发展起来的底部带横向喷流的超音速强干扰流场的轴对称数值模拟方法有机地结合在一起,能给出喷流产生的包括直接、间接两部分在内的总推力和附加的俯仰力矩系数和偏航力矩系数。与无喷射的情形相比,底部阻力系数C_D减小了。 相似文献
185.
分析了利用面向对象思想设计DSS中的模型系统的新方法,提出了实现面向对象的模型库系统的新途径——“模型构件”法。对“模型构件”的定义、结构、创建和使用方法做了详细阐述。 相似文献
186.
介绍、推荐了一种新的专家系统工具──CDEST(ChineseDiagnosisExpertSystemTool),并给出了CDEST与数据库接口的详细实现方法。 相似文献
187.
Håkon Lunde Saxi 《Defence Studies》2017,17(2):171-197
At NATO’s 2014 Wales Summit, the UK and Germany unveiled two new initiatives for European defence cooperation, known, respectively, as the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) and the Framework Nations Concept (FNC). Both were the result of economic pressures and the need to exercise intra-alliance leadership, but they represented very different approaches to cooperation. The JEF was to be a UK-led contingency force for short-notice operations, selectively incorporating forces from allies and partners. The FNC sought to coordinate capability development between groups of allies, centred on larger framework nations, to develop coherent capability-clusters available to meet NATO’s force requirements. The common denominator and novelty of the initiatives was the building of forces and capabilities multinationally by having major states act as framework nations for groups of smaller allies. The UK and Germany have ownership and continue to provide leadership to these initiatives. This is one key reason why they continue to evolve to accommodate changing circumstances and are likely to endure. 相似文献
188.
Hüseyin Bağcı 《Defence Studies》2017,17(1):38-62
Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. As with other developing countries, Turkey’s motivations for investing in national defence industries can be boiled down to the pursuit of defence autarky, economic benefits and international prestige. However, after 40 years of investment, Turkey is unable to reach the primary goals of defence industrialisation. We argue that three factors are important to understanding Turkey’s persistence in these primary goals. First, Turkey believes that there is an overall improvement in its defence industrial capabilities and the goal of autarky is still reachable. Second, increased defence exports support the belief that Turkish defence industries have become sustainable and the trend will continue in the future. The third reason, perhaps most important of all, has to do with the domestic political gains of defence industrialisation: the AKP uses defence industry and indigenous weapon systems for prestige and, therefore, garners broader support. 相似文献
189.
Yan Cimon 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(4):333-346
With the Canada First Defence Strategy, Canada has put forth a major opportunity to reconcile national security imperatives and industrial policy. The Jenkins Report (2013) set out to examine ways to use that procurement effort to foster key industrial capabilities (KICs) that would put the Canadian defence industry at an advantage both nationally and internationally. The Canadian defence industry should then develop highly focused capabilities with a view to moving up global value chains. As such, KICs that hold the best potential should be selected. They should be sustained through a range of strategies that are however contingent on the elimination of policy gaps. This leads to a balancing act between the need to control intellectual property assets versus accessing them in a world where national boundaries are eroded. Canada’s industry should target opportunities outside North America while continuing to focus on better integration with the North American industry. 相似文献
190.
Olivier Schmitt 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(4):463-474
ABSTRACTThis article introduces the key tenets of French foreign and security policy during the Cold War, and illustrates the deep challenges to the French consensus raised by the emergence of a unipolar system. There is a growing gap between the rhetoric of French security policy, emphasizing ‘autonomy’ and ‘sovereignty’ out of habit from the Cold War, and the actual security practices showing a gradual embedding within the transatlantic security structures. In the absence of a new transpartisan grand narrative relevant for the contemporary international system, such embedding is easily portrayed in France as a ‘treason’ from a romanticized Gaullist foreign policy. 相似文献