区块链在车联网中的应用综述

针对当前车联网系统面临的网络安全与可信以及数据大规模同步共享挑战,提出利用区块链技术提升车联网系统的安全性水平与协同共享能力.首先从概念特征与技术架构两个层面对区块链技术进行了整体概述,并结合区块链去中心化存储、共识安全防护、数据不可篡改等特点,探讨了区块链与边缘计算协同应用的互补优势与研究现状.进而从协作同步、安全信...     

基于标注事件图的空间数据库主动规则终止性分析

主动规则的终止性分析强化了规则的设计高效性。给出主动规则元模型的概念作为主动规则终止性分析和比较的基础;对精化触发图进行扩展,提出标注事件图分析模型。结合实例给出终止性分析算法。与各种方法的对比说明标注事件图是可应用于终止性分析的通用抽象模型。     

基于免疫FNN算法的加热炉炉温优化控制

针对复杂钢坯加热过程,提出了一种免疫克隆进化模糊神经网络(ICE-FNN)控制算法。首先根据现场样本数据建立过程神经网络模型;然后基于该模型,采用模糊神经网络控制器(FNNC)规则优化算法,确定FNNC的最佳规则数;最后由FNNC的规则优化所得参数构造初始种群的一个解,采用免疫克隆进化(ICE)算法对FNNC参数优化。该算法具有全局寻优和局部求精能力,仿真结果证实了其有效性。     

参数化滤波器逼近问题的全局最优算法

基于Lipschitz下界估值和分枝定界技术,给出了一维参数化小波滤波器逼近问题的全局最优算法。由于充分利用了滤波器逼近问题的特点,本方法将原来的Lipschitz算法的线性收敛速率提高为二次收敛速率。     

智能时代的军事训练变革

随着智能技术的发展,人类已逐步迈入智能时代,而智能时代催生了军事训练变革。本文从智能技术影响军事训练典型领域的角度,分析了智能时代背景下,以大数据和人工智能为核心的智能技术,如何影响军事训练的理念、内容、方式及管理,并催生了这些领域的变革。研究表明,智能时代发展背景下,军事训练理念将更加先进,训练内容更加融合,训练方式更加有效,训练管理更加精准。     

作战数据工程建设与发展

战争形态正加速向信息化战争演变,数字化作战成为主要形式,作战数据以前所未有的深度广度进入战争全脉络,成为作战的核心,影响着战争进程甚至决定成败。习主席高度重视作战数据建设,多次指出我军数据积累严重不足是军事斗争准备的短板弱项。因此,建设完善配套的作战数据库和形成战时高效的作战数据保障能力,对获取作战信息优势、提升指挥控制能力至关重要,对于提高我军基于网络信息体系的联合作战能力具有重要的支撑作用。     

大力弘扬改革创新时代精神 加快建设世界一流高等教育院校

习主席在庆祝改革开放40周年大会上的重要讲话,是新时代改革开放再出发的宣言书和动员令。学习贯彻习主席重要讲话精神,关键要全面推进学校深化改革创新,深刻认清弘扬改革创新精神对于建设世界一流高等教育院校的重大意义,牢牢扭住全面深化改革创新的主攻方向,科学处理深化改革创新的重大关系,既以顽强的战略定力坚定不移深化改革,又运用科学的工作方法积极稳妥地推进改革。     

Competitive Statehood in Libya: Governing Differently a Specific Setting or Deconstructing its Weak Sovereign State with a Fateful Drift Toward Chaos?

Abstract

Libya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands.     

A Question of ‘Government’ Control: Afghanistan DDR Programs Since 2001

Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs.     

Multilateral defense cooperation in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region: Tentative steps toward a regional NATO?

Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible.