全文获取类型
收费全文 | 550篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
558篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 1篇 |
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 13篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 28篇 |
2018年 | 33篇 |
2017年 | 35篇 |
2016年 | 37篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 50篇 |
2013年 | 107篇 |
2012年 | 12篇 |
2011年 | 26篇 |
2010年 | 35篇 |
2009年 | 28篇 |
2008年 | 33篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有558条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
491.
'Funmi Olonisakin 《African Security Review》2015,24(4):376-389
This article explores the convergence between three pillars of influence – feminist security studies, civil society activism and policy decision-making – and its role in the adoption and implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325. It argues that these three pillars, individually and collectively, have made important contributions to the debate and action on the gender and security agenda, but that they remain organically disconnected. Their convergence has the potential to achieve path-breaking results in the sphere of gender and security, whilst their divergence makes transformation unattainable. We show the disconnect in the application of UNSCR 1325 in Africa and argue that this is partly the reason why, despite enormous efforts, the gains realised in terms of gender equality in the peace and security arena have been negligible. 相似文献
492.
随着互联网对现实世界的影响越来越大,战略地位越来越突出,获得网络主导权、占据网络制高点成为各国竞相努力的目标。美国在全球网络管理、网络技术、网络文化、网络军事等方面处于霸主地位。美国网络霸权对中国的政治安全、信息安全、文化安全、军事安全造成了极大的威胁。中国应综合采取各种措施,应对美国网络霸权的冲击和挑战,维护国家安全和利益。 相似文献
493.
针对我院科研试验的特点和要求,分析了安全保密工作的艰巨性和重要性,明确了安全保密总要求,提出了把安全保密工作落到实处的具体措施。 相似文献
494.
Forrest B. Hare 《Contemporary Security Policy》2019,40(2):193-213
Given the advances made in conventional weapon capabilities, precision should by now be the accepted and expected norm in cyberspace as well. In this article I argue that developing precision cyber weapon systems, to be used during a lawful conflict, can be an important part of a responsible national security strategy to reduce the amount of violence and physical destruction in conflicts. I first describe a precision cyber weapon system in a military context. I then present three compelling rationales for the development of precision cyber weapon systems based on ethical, operational, and financial considerations. To support the position, I address several arguments that have been levied against their development. Thereafter I present several recommendations for a way ahead. 相似文献
495.
Joakim Berndtsson 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(2):190-210
The rise of private military and security companies (PMSCs) challenges our notion of military professionals. PMSCs bring new claims to professional status and legitimacy outside military institutions and represent an increasing diffusion of - and competition over - military and security expertise. In light of this development, understanding the formation of professional identities in military and private security organisations is as an important undertaking. This paper contributes to this endeavour by analysing professional self-images in the Swedish Armed Forces and how these relate to PMSCs. The study is based on data collected from official documents, semi-structured interviews and a small-scale survey among senior military officers. Focusing on military understandings of PMSCs and contractors, the analysis provides much-needed insight into relational aspects of professional identity formation outside the US context. Furthermore, it points to discrepancies in organisational and group levels in understandings of commercial security actors, and paves the way for future research. 相似文献
496.
Sebastian Bruns 《Defense & Security Analysis》2019,35(2):117-132
This article discusses roles and missions of the United States Navy with a particular focus on the Baltic Sea. That particular sea has gained renewed political and military attention following Russia's resurgent and increasingly hybrid-offensive foreign policy. Baltic nations, uncertain of what the future holds, ought to look at sea power and maritime missions in the Baltic, as well as US naval presence in Europe, to draw lessons for future posture. 相似文献
497.
“空海一体战”是美国的一种新型作战理论,是在20世纪80年代“空地一体战”等诸多战法及兵种妥协基础上形成的一种新型军事战略,旨在通过空海军力量的配合,进行近域作战,以抵消对手的反进入/区域拒止能力,取得战争的主动权与控制权.“空海一体战”作为美国战略重心东移的重要角力点与支撑要素,在美国亚太战略中的作用举足轻重,对亚太周边国家尤其是中国的国家安全构成重大威胁,为此有必要对其理论渊源、发展目标、策略行动及障碍缺陷进行剖析与解构,为中国维护国家安全,构建良好的国家安全环境提供战略储备与智力支持. 相似文献
498.
Improvise,adapt and fail to overcome? Capacity building,culture and exogenous change in Sierra Leone
Alex Neads 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(3-4):425-447
Military capacity building (MCB) is as problematic as it is ubiquitous, with the British experience in Sierra Leone providing a rare example of ostensible success. This article critiques the dominant conceptualisation of MCB as purely a principal–agent (PA) problem, using military change scholarship to examine the impact of wartime British intervention on the Sierra Leonean armed forces. Here, indigenous military change was both externally driven and fundamentally adaptive in nature, allowing MCB to bypass some of the difficulties predicted by PA models. However, this adaptive approach nonetheless failed to reconcile Western military values with prevailing Sierra Leonean culture, complicating post-war stabilisation efforts. 相似文献
499.
ABSTRACTThe rising trend of kidnapping targeting women has shown that counterinsurgency does not begin and end with the strategic advantage of state security providers in the security market and the field. Kidnapping of females by Boko Haram insurgents threatens human security and hinders sustainable development goals in Northeastern Nigeria. With primary and secondary sources, this qualitative study examines how Boko Haram insurgents target women in Northeastern Nigeria. The paper argues that community driven security strategy achievable through the collaboration between state and traditional security providers, can prevent the entry and easy escape of the insurgents. It concludes that the forces of order should sustain a policy of stop and searches until insurgents are defeated along with a programme of community-based human rights education and insurgency emergency response system for quick response to security threats. 相似文献
500.
Attitudes towards a regional military force are of paramount importance when exploring public support for regional integration. Until now, however, scholarly research has not considered the influence of attitudes towards a regional military mechanism in the sub-Saharan African context. Using Afrobarometer data, we demonstrate that military concerns are vital when exploring Tanzanian attitudes towards the proposed political federation of the East African Community (EAC), the East African Federation (EAF). More specifically, opposition to military cooperation strongly influences Tanzanian scepticism of the EAF. This finding is highly relevant given that referendums in the participating member states must be passed to facilitate political integration. Heightened opposition towards military cooperation raises the possibility of the public rejecting a politically integrated EAC. This poses a potential obstacle to the implementation of joint security policies and crucial mechanisms to provide a more stable region at large. We account for alternative explanations of Tanzanian opinion formation and reflect on the strength of military-orientated concerns for investigating public support for the East African project specifically and regional integration in sub-Saharan Africa more widely. 相似文献