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111.
采用宽带线性调频信号能够显著地提高雷达的距离分辨率和抗干扰能力,然而雷达与目标间的相对运动损耗了部分目标回波相参积累能量,影响目标频率向和距离向分辨力。针对以上问题,提出了一种基于改进匹配滤波函数的运动补偿方法,补偿信号回波中的相位误差,实现宽带线性调频信号目标运动运动补偿。实验与仿真结果证明了该算法的有效性。  相似文献   
112.
针对多属性决策中属性权重的确定问题,提出了一种基于皮尔森相关系数的主、客观权重的集成方法。用权向量的相关度作为不同赋权方法重要性的度量,意义明确,计算简单,可操作性强。最后采用算例验证了此方法的有效性和实用性。  相似文献   
113.
Given the nature of global counterinsurgency operations, the demands of military expansion, and the need for cultural, linguistic, and regional expertise, the United States Army should evaluate the establishment of US-led foreign troop units for its evolving force structure. This article proposes the creation of an American foreign legion based upon the recruitment of US-led, ethnically homogeneous tribal force units to meet the grist mill of counterinsurgency operations. This structured approach would be more beneficial than the current reliance on a de facto American Foreign Legion, represented by private military contractors (PMCs), many of them comprised of foreigners. These PMCs carry a number of oversight, accountability, and legal risks not found in a fully integrated, and US-officered foreign legion. The British Brigade of Gurkhas, the South-West African Police Counter-Insurgency Unit (Koevoet), and the Kit Carson Scouts serve as relevant historical examples where foreign troops were used to supplement national manpower resources.  相似文献   
114.
As a consequence of intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan, force ratio for counterinsurgency (COIN) has come under increased scrutiny. Reduced to its essence, the issue is simply, ‘How many troops does it take to get the job done?’ This answer has been sought by the US military, academia, and think tanks. There have been numerous responses, culminating in several ‘plug-and-play’ equations for minimum force ratios in COIN operations. Due to the impossibility of determining precisely how many insurgent forces there are, it has become common to base force ratios on the population of the country. In the realm of policy, the question above is posed as, ‘How many of our troops does it take to get the job done?’  相似文献   
115.
This paper models transnational terrorism as a three‐way strategic interaction involving a government that faces armed opposition at home, which may spill over in the form of acts of terrorism by the state's opponents against the government's external sponsor. The external sponsor also utilises deterrence against potential terrorists, which only lowers terrorism if terrorists are not intrinsically motivated by a deep‐seated sense of humiliation. The model highlights the importance of intrinsic motivation. A rise in the external power's preference for deterrence against terrorism may backfire in these circumstances. Increases in the government's military efficiency against the rebels, who are also terrorists against the government's sponsor, raises overall levels of violence.  相似文献   
116.
This paper is intended to complement the existing literature on civil wars. First, it presents a simple theoretical model of conflict that defines a two‐sector economy. In a contested sector, two agents struggle to appropriate the maximum possible fraction of a contestable output. In an uncontested sector, they hold secure property rights over the production of some goods. Agents split their resource endowment between ‘butter’, ‘guns’ and ‘ice‐cream’. Following the theoretical insights the empirical analysis focuses on the relationship between civil wars and different sectors of the economy. In particular, a panel probit specification shows that the incidence of a civil war decreases in the size of manufacturing sector.  相似文献   
117.
分布式实时网络半实物仿真方法研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
介绍了基于分布式实时网络的复合寻的制导武器半实物仿真试验环境建立的基本方法,对其工作原理、主要设备和技术进行了分析。  相似文献   
118.
多品种空投小件装载优化建模研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
针对空投小件装载率低下的现状,提出利用相关容重比平衡法,制定装载计划以充分利用飞机的载重能力及其使用面积,分别建立了单机和多机空投小件装载模型。该模型充分考虑了飞机的面积和载重量,对提高空投小件装载的利用率,起到良好应用效果。  相似文献   
119.
讨论了各种形式的宽带模糊函数,通过群论分析表明,它们都可解释为二维不可约仿射群U表示的矩阵系数,因此其性质可通过对仿射群的研究作出解释。还讨论了宽带模糊函数与小波变换的关系,并由此导出其高效的小波变换求解方法。  相似文献   
120.
The global restructuring of state–society relationships driven by neoliberal logic has not only allowed for the taming of the ‘state’, which has paradoxically accentuated its inadequacies, but has also facilitated, for better or for worse, the emergence of business – especially transnational corporations – as a major political force in global governance. Consequently, while the issues of peace and conflict have traditionally been the concern of governments, businesses are now increasingly being expected to make peace and conflict their concern. However, despite claims and counterclaims that businesses can be moneymakers and peacemakers, analyses of the relationship between business and peace remain largely embryonic. This paper seeks to contribute to this emerging business and peace debate by drawing on insights from the Niger Delta conflict to ascertain what we know and what we need to know if businesses are to become peacemakers in conflict zones in Africa.  相似文献   
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