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161.
为了得到发射装置设计因素和超高速碎片性能间的关系,考虑了药型罩的材料、炸药种类、装药长径比、药型罩的锥角、药型罩的厚度、药型罩顶部靠近装药侧的曲率半径等设计因素,采用AUTODYNTM,结合正交试验,对超高速碎片的发射过程进行数值模拟。结果表明,3种发射装置结构分别可以提供质量为1. 533 g的紫铜碎片、速度为11. 649 km/s的铝碎片、动能为85. 6 k J的铝碎片; 2种发射装置结构均可以提供质量大于1 g、速度高于11 km/s的密实结构圆柱状碎片。验证了仿真方法的可信性,对影响碎片性能的设计因素进行了分析、排序,并得到了这些设计因素与碎片质量、速度、动能的关系。 相似文献
162.
以新型掠飞末敏弹为研究对象,提出了基于欧拉转动定理和滑移网格技术的复杂角运动模拟方法,利用著名的罗德里格斯转换矩阵插值求得弹箭在每个时间步的角速度修正值,并指定给球形滑移网格区。通过对非定常气动参数进行求解辨识,分析了不同马赫数下掠飞末敏弹滚转运动对其俯仰组合动导数和升力系数动导数的影响规律。结果表明:所提角运动模拟方法可有效消除姿态角计算的累积误差,实现对弹箭任意给定角运动的准确模拟;弹箭滚转运动对俯仰组合导数和升力系数动导数的辨识结果均存在显著影响,在进行弹箭动导数计算和稳定性分析时需充分考虑俯仰耦合效应的影响。 相似文献
163.
Philippe Droz-Vincent 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(3):434-455
AbstractLibya in 2011 witnessed a real process of political change, though different from all the policy-oriented jargon equating transition with a teleological transition to democracy. Due to the resilience of the Qadhafi regime in power and with the essential role of NATO intervention, the process was eased out by a eight-month civil war. Governance in post-Qadhafi Libya was not done through the rebuilding of centralized authorities. But it took the specific form of the emergence of multiple non-state actors embedded in local dynamics and then connected with weakened central authorities that had access to the huge Libyan resources. That raised complex questions about the quality of this mode of governance, especially at a time of pressing problems for Libya and its neighbors, whether direct ones (Tunisia, Egypt, Mali) or farther countries across the Mediterranean sea: terrorism with the expansion of Da’esh into the country and flows of refugees crossing Libya’s uncontrolled borders and flowing into Italy and then Europe by thousands. 相似文献
164.
An attacker‐defender model for analyzing the vulnerability of initial attack in wildfire suppression 下载免费PDF全文
Wildfire managers use initial attack (IA) to control wildfires before they grow large and become difficult to suppress. Although the majority of wildfire incidents are contained by IA, the small percentage of fires that escape IA causes most of the damage. Therefore, planning a successful IA is very important. In this article, we study the vulnerability of IA in wildfire suppression using an attacker‐defender Stackelberg model. The attacker's objective is to coordinate the simultaneous ignition of fires at various points in a landscape to maximize the number of fires that cannot be contained by IA. The defender's objective is to optimally dispatch suppression resources from multiple fire stations located across the landscape to minimize the number of wildfires not contained by IA. We use a decomposition algorithm to solve the model and apply the model on a test case landscape. We also investigate the impact of delay in the response, the fire growth rate, the amount of suppression resources, and the locations of fire stations on the success of IA. 相似文献
165.
Major William Selber 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2018,29(2):344-366
Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), the United States, the United Nations, and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) have funded and led three different Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs. Despite a significant investment in time and treasure, all of them have failed to significantly reduce the number of insurgents or arbaki (militia). This article explores why these programs failed despite incorporating ideas from the prominent DDR schools of thought. Utilizing Stathis Kalyvas’ theory of The Logic of Violence in Civil War as a lens, this article argues that GIRoA and ISAF did not have sufficient control of territory to entice insurgents or arbaki to reconcile and/or reintegrate with the government. Further, in areas GIRoA nominally controlled in northern and western Afghanistan, regional powerbrokers who controlled these areas balked at these programs. 相似文献
166.
Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
167.
168.
系统地论述了当前世界范围内各式远距离反坦克导弹的研究、发展、应用、升级改造思路和更新换代情况,以及一些知名公司的研制和发展特色;指出远射程、高精度、大威力,以及良好的适配能力和多用途化将成为其发展的重点。 相似文献
169.
170.
提出了一种基于免疫粒子群优化算法的自抗扰大包线飞行控制器设计方法.针对传统的增益调参设计方法存在的工作量巨大与设计效率低的问题,利用自抗扰控制器进行大包线飞行控制器设计,并推导了适用于该方法的飞机非线性方程.由于自抗扰控制能够动态补偿对象模型的内扰和外扰,因此在很大的飞行区域内仅需一套控制器便可,从而避免了烦琐复杂的增益调参设计过程,并用免疫粒子群优化算法对自抗扰控制器参数进行了优化研究.仿真结果表明,所设计的自抗扰控制器具有优良的控制性能,并且控制器参数在较大的包线范围内不需要改变,从而简化了大包线飞行控制器设计. 相似文献