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Mario Carranza 《The Nonproliferation Review》2019,26(1-2):7-22
This article argues that the nuclear nonproliferation norm (NNPN) is a social fact with a relatively independent life of its own and that it has a powerful impact on the behavior of both nuclear-weapon states (NWS) and non-nuclear-weapon states (NNWS). It challenges the application of critical constructivist research on norms to the NNPN and the idea that its legitimacy and structural power depend on contestation “all the way down.” State and non-state actors play an important role in explaining the dynamics of the NNPN, but agential constructivism runs the danger of “throwing the baby out with the bath water,” neglecting the structural impact of the NNPN on state behavior. The article examines the limitations of norm-contestation theory, arguing that some norms are more resistant to contestation than others. The NNPN is more difficult to contest than new norms (such as the Responsibility to Protect) because it is rooted in fifty years of nonproliferation nuclear diplomacy. The US-India nuclear deal is not a case of “norm change” but a violation of the NNPN. The “core” of the NNPN has not changed since the US-India nuclear deal. The conflict confronting NWS and NNWS is about the implementation of “type 2” norms (organizing principles) and “type 3” norms (standardized procedures), and not about the “hard core” of the NNPN. 相似文献
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杨静 《武警工程学院学报》2010,(2):59-62,66
武警官兵在执勤过程中经常会遇到外国人,学习一些执勤英语十分必要。目前,武警指挥院校开设了《武警执勤实用英语》这门选修课,笔者在备课过程中发现,教材中有一些译文不是很准确,因此,撰写本文和编者商榷。本文从武警执勤用语的翻译现状入手,通过分析武警指挥院校正在使用的名为《武警执勤实用英语》教材中的译文,探讨了武警执勤用语的翻译。笔者提出在翻译过程中,译者应把握以下几点:术语翻译需谨慎、充分了解术语的内涵、避免直译出错、慎选词语、注意文化差异、使用对应文体、统一译文。最后,笔者提出了定期修改教材的建议。 相似文献
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陈云峰 《海军工程大学学报》1993,(4)
本文根据对潜艇处于水下状态发生辐射事故时的辐射影响的分析,得出当燃料元件包壳破损率和蒸汽发生器传热管泄漏量即使在允许限值内,主辅机舱空气放射性浓度有可能超过允许水平,而直接影响艇员的健康,并针对这一点提出了相应的改进措施。 相似文献
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分析统计了国外自核潜艇诞生以来所报道的大部分核事故,并就事故发生的原因和后果进行了描述.其中重点讨论了反应性事故与失水事故(LOCA).最后,对21世纪新型核潜艇的安全性作了简要展望. 相似文献
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The authors propose five principles for addressing the major deficiencies of the current treaty-based approach to nonproliferation. These involve: effectively closing the door to withdrawals from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT); defining which nuclear technologies fall within the NPT's “inalienable right” provision, so as to maintain a reasonable safety margin against possible military application; expansion of International Atomic Energy Agency inspections to include greater readiness to use its “special” inspection authority; creation of an NPT enforcement regime, to include a secretariat; and universalizing the NPT so as to apply to all states, while creating a path for current non-parties to come into compliance. There is no illusion here about the prospects for the adoption of this approach. At a minimum, the world needs to be frank about the gap between nuclear programs and current nonproliferation protection. Encouragement of greater use of nuclear power should be predicated on closing that gap. 相似文献
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Thijs Brocades Zaalberg 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6):867-897
This article argues that there is little evidence supporting the existence of the often praised, and allegedly subtle and successful ‘Dutch approach’ to stabilisation and counter-insurgency operations in Iraq or Afghanistan. It denounces the uncritical use of the term and refutes suggestions of historical and cultural roots to such an approach, for instance in Dutch colonial warfare in the Indonesian archipelago. It concludes by explaining the true conditions that gave rise to this notion, which seems to feed into a gratifying national self-image of the Dutch as non-martial, conflict averse and tolerant, rather than offering an original and successful formula for countering insurgencies. 相似文献
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Justin Bronk 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6-7):974-997
This article examines a secret Anglo-American programme, Project ‘E’, which equipped the RAF’s V-bomber Force with US nuclear weapons for use in wartime. It shows Project ‘E’ was ineffective as a warhead supply programme and, furthermore, that it crippled the operational effectiveness of the V-bomber Force as a whole between 1958 and 1962. This article argues that as a result of Project ‘E’, the V-Force was neither operationally nor politically independent as a nuclear deterrent force. This challenges the traditional view of the V-Force as the benchmark of nuclear independence to assess the Skybolt, Polaris and Trident programmes. 相似文献
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The Obama administration has made a great effort to increase the role of advanced conventional weaponry in US national security thinking and practice, in part to help reinvigorate the global nuclear disarmament agenda by reducing the role played by nuclear weapons in the US defense posture. However, such a strategy is fundamentally flawed because increases in US conventional superiority will exacerbate US relative strength vis-à-vis other powers, and therefore make the prospect of a nuclear weapon-free world seem less attractive to Washington's current and potential nuclear rivals. Consequently, it is highly likely that the impact of efforts to increase US advanced conventional superiority through ballistic missile defense and a conventional “prompt global strike” program will ensure that the Obama administration is adopting a pathway to nuclear abolition on which it is the sole traveler for the foreseeable future. 相似文献