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201.
The economic theory of defense has traditionally described public safety as achieved through investments that deter adversaries. Deterrence is, however, ineffective and pre‐emptive defense is required when a population of intended victims confronts supreme‐value suicide terror. A moral dilemma then arises, since pre‐emption may impose collective punishment, while in the absence of pre‐emption the population of intended victims is exposed to acts of terror. We consider how a population of intended terror victims confronts the moral dilemma, and compare the threatened population's response with the public‐safety recommendations of external judges who are not personally affected by the threat of terror. 相似文献
202.
RANDY B CHEEK 《African Security Review》2013,22(4):19-28
It is generally understood that conflict can contribute to the spread of disease. This paper explains the reverse: how disease, as an accelerating factor, can result in serious conflict. While not a cause of war itself, HIV/AIDS exacerbates existing tensions: social, ethnic and political. Political constituencies concerned about HIV/AIDS will become frustrated if the state's leadership does not meet their demands. The demand for medical treatment of the disease is certain to exceed supply in all Southern African states. Projects to treat the disease are small and access is limited. The criteria for access, both real and perceived, will play a critical role in determining the level of conflict and disruption that HIV/AIDS will cause. 相似文献
203.
This paper reviews the basic economic concepts relevant to international public goods production and applies them to the case of security and peace in southern Africa. To this end, it extracts from the literature a set of fundamental features that help determine the likelihood of success of any collective action and applies these features to the current southern African context. 相似文献
204.
Naomi Kok 《African Security Review》2013,22(4):277-281
In April 2012 a number of former rebels who had been integrated into the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) mutinied and formed the Movement of March 23, better know as the M23 rebel group. The International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) has been mediating between Kinshasa and the M23 rebel group since 2012, without much success. In August 2013, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) issued a communiqué after its 33rd Summit of Heads of State and Government, stating that while it commends the ICGLR efforts, the talks have become protracted and a deadline needs to be set. The summit also called for an urgent joint ICGLR–SADC summit to address the crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In addition to this development, the chair of the ICGLR is to be rotated in December 2013, when President José Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola replaces President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. To date, the mediation has been headed by Uganda and this has raised concerns over the credibility of the ICGLR-led process, since Uganda has been accused of supporting the M23 rebellion in a report released in November 2012 by the United Nations Group of Experts on the DRC. One could question whether the Angolan leadership will bring anything new that could have an impact on the crisis. Many expect that the perceived neutrality that Dos Santos could bring to the negotiations may be a positive step towards reviving the talks that have all but stalled at this point. Another issue of interest is whether the joint ICGLR–SADC summit could instil new life into the mediation process. 相似文献
205.
Jacques E. C. Hymans 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(5):769-797
Most historical accounts of the atomic bombings of Japan show little interest in Britain's explicit authorization for the attacks. Meanwhile, the few historians who have attempted to explain it rely on a unitary, rational actor model of the British state that is misleading. This article demonstrates that high-ranking British officials became anxious early on about the strategic consequences of a peremptory use of the new weapon. Therefore, especially over the course of 1944 they sought to engage Washington on the linked questions of the bomb's wartime use and its postwar control. However, these officials' initiatives were rebuffed by Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who paved the way to the bombings based on a fervent desire for Anglo-American integration, and on a dim understanding of the bomb's revolutionary potential. 相似文献
206.
William Wei 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(2):201-217
Theorizing about Taliban operations in Afghanistan has its limits and it is possible that Kabul-centric strategies do not adequately address the unique circumstances of each region in the country. How exactly has the Taliban gone about attaining its objectives in Kandahar province and how have those approaches evolved since 2002? And how have the Taliban adapted to coalition forces' attempts to compete with the insurgency and stamp it out? The answers to these questions are critical in the formulation of any counterinsurgency approach to Afghanistan. 相似文献
207.
分析了传统PKI(Public Key Infrastructure)身份认证模型存在的问题,基于OCSP(Online Certificate Status Protocol)协议的证书状态验证服务和密钥验证服务相分离,造成了传统PKI身份认证模型的信任度下降,增加了身份认证的风险,跨CA(Certificate Authority)认证复杂度高,CA机构提供的身份认证服务不完整等问题。提出了一种开放式PKI身份认证模型,由CA中心独立完成两个验证服务,将OCSP应答机制改进为提供身份证明文件的方式,可有效解决上述问题。通过云信任评估模型对两种认证模型进行了量化评估,证明了本文提出的开放式身份认证模型可有效提高信任度。对该模型进行了原型实现,重点对性能问题进行了优化,实验测试表明,该模型具有实用价值。 相似文献
208.
刘剑萍 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(7):86-88
如何加强财务监督工作,这不仅涉及到部队财务监督工作的未来走向,更是事关营造健康、规范的财经新秩序的关键因素。财务监督所面临的问题是一个涉及方方面面的综合体,因此,强化财务监督不能局限于财务部门的单方面工作,而应当站在加强监督职能、健全监督体系、拓展监督范围的整体高度,稳步推进监督管理的法制化、规范化和科学化进程。 相似文献
209.
公安现役部队是列入武警序列由公安部门管理的部队。对其执法能力的要求具有特殊性。公安现役院校担负着为公安现役部队培养人才的任务,教学过程中应对公安现役部队执法能力的涵义、执法能力的内容和因执法能力不足而产生的问题以及解决问题的途径作了探讨。提出创新法学教学模式是提高公安现役部队执法能力的有效方法。 相似文献
210.
王敬泽 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(3):86-88
教学质量是高等学校的生命线,是影响人才培养质量的最直接因素。依据本院在教学质量监控方面的探索与实践,提出建立一套适合公安现役院校特点的教学质量监控体系,用来指导和评价教学工作,加强教学管理,不断提高教学质量。 相似文献