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郭一凡 《兵团教育学院学报》2020,(3):54-60
隐性逃课是指学生上课时消极参与课堂教学的精神旷课行为,多被认为是越轨行为的一种表现。从社会学视角切入,对大学生隐性逃课问题进行分析,发现将隐性逃课视作越轨行为实际上是学术研究和教学实践过程中简单定性的结果,是对隐性逃课性质的片面反映。这种越轨定性导致了对隐性逃课功能认识、原因分析和应对路径设计的偏离。大学生隐性逃课具有社会根源,是多元社会与高校统一管理之间的张力以及大学无用论和信任危机的产物。在越轨属性之外,大学生隐性逃课还是一种去学校化的反抗和师生之间的默契妥协。因此,对于大学生隐性逃课,应将其置放在社会背景中加以思考,引发人们对社会根源和社会规则本身的关注。 相似文献
394.
孟庆超 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2006,22(2):70-73
自清末当局引入西方警察制度起,中国警察权力的行使逐步规范,呈现出明显的统一化倾向。其表现包括:军队与警察职能的剥离;民间社会警察权向专业警察机关的集中。近代中国警察的统一化倾向代表着社会的进步。 相似文献
395.
有的著作认为在极限公式limx→0sinxx=1的证明中,要用到圆(扇形)的面积公式S=21Lr,而对后者的证明中必须要用到重要极限limx→0sinxx=1,从而犯了循环论证的错误。魏晋刘徽的“割圆术”是对无限问题的独特认识和致用的处理方式,是为证明圆面积公式而设计出来的一种方法。刘徽之前,希腊的阿基米德用穷竭法也证明了圆的面积公式。其中,刘徽的证法强调计算的程序性和构造性,而阿基米德则倾向于演绎的严谨性。这两种证明说明limx→0sinxx=1证明所谓的循环论证是可以避免的。 相似文献
396.
Evan A. Laksmana 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(4):347-365
This article explains why Singapore, despite its small size and semi-authoritarian regime, retains one of the best military forces in the Indo-Pacific. It unpacks Singapore’s ability to continuously innovate since the 1960s – technologically, organizationally, and conceptually – and even recently joined the Revolution in Military Affairs bandwagon. Drawing from the broader military innovation studies literature, this article argues evolutionary peacetime military innovation is more likely to occur in a state with a unified civil–military relation and whose military faces a high-level diverse set of threats. This argument explains how the civil–military fusion under the People’s Action Party-led government since Singapore’s founding moment has been providing coherent and consistent strategic guidance, political support, and financial capital, allowing the Singapore Armed Forces to continuously innovate in response to high levels and diversity of threats. 相似文献
397.
Matthew Crosston 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(2):94-105
This work is about how the United States military has become dependent on networked technology. As arguably the largest contributor to national security, it has become so dependent that its chief doctrine integrates networked technology into nearly every specialty, with particularly intense focus on Network Centric Warfare. As the military’s old guard is replaced by the highly technical Millenial Generation, there is cause to pause when assuming this techno-acuity brings nothing but advantage and success. Vulnerabilities stemming from such extensive dependence offer opportunities for exploitation that have not gone unnoticed. The first step to moving forward from this point is to fully understand the extent to which the military has become dependent on computer networks. It might be the Millenials’ war today, but it would be quite unwise for the United States military to think about it and fight it in a purely Millenial way. 相似文献
398.
Ling Li 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(2):174-189
Possession of a brand is a sine qua non for economic success, not least because it connotes trust in delivering the value promised. Although Western arms exporters offer branded systems whose sales are influenced by price, there is a plethora of other economic variables, such as offset requirements and life-cycle support. Entrants to the international arms market will struggle without such arms “packages.” China’s entry, however, goes beyond the traditional economic paradigm. A four-stage historical model offers the backdrop for identifying the drivers that have forged its market entry into 55 countries worldwide. The strategy initially focused on sales of rudimentary military equipment for political purposes, but recently it has begun to commercialize exports, repositioning them from a low- to a high-tech sales trajectory. A Sino “brand” is thus emerging, reflecting both competitiveness and diplomatic considerations, especially non-interference in client state domestic affairs. 相似文献
399.
China’s rapid economic growth is facilitating massive increases in its military spending and causing increased security concerns in Asia and the Western Pacific. But there is uncertainty over how large China’s military spending is relative to other countries, or how fast it is growing in real terms. We address this issue by deriving a relative military cost price index based on the relative unit costs of inputs. We find that China’s real military spending is much larger than suggested by exchange rate comparisons, and even larger than standard purchasing power parity comparisons. We also find, however, that the real growth of China’s military spending has been smaller than conventionally thought. This is due to rapidly growing wages in China and the large share of personnel in China’s military budget. 相似文献
400.