首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   60篇
  免费   1篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   3篇
  2017年   3篇
  2016年   1篇
  2015年   1篇
  2014年   5篇
  2013年   34篇
  2012年   4篇
  2011年   3篇
  2008年   1篇
  2005年   1篇
  1990年   1篇
排序方式: 共有61条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
31.
This article comprises a reply to those who seek to use the British historical experience in Afghanistan in order to draw parallels with current operations in that country. It argues that, while the conceptual and physical response to the issue of Afghanistan on the part of Empire policy-makers during the period 1839–1919 was characterised by periods of indecision and mistaken assumptions, their grasp of strategic principles allowed the formulation of a series of Afghan policies that would serve to protect and indeed enhance British interests in the region for over a century and which stand in stark contrast to the seemingly incoherent Afghan strategy articulated by the current British government.  相似文献   
32.
This article uses a sequential mixed method approach to examine the origins and persistence of paramilitaries and state-sponsored militias in the developing world. Combining comparative case studies of Southeast Asia and the Middle East with statistical analysis, it shows that revolutionary decolonization produces more decentralized and localized force structures, while direct inheritance of colonial armies leads to more conventional force structures. Subsequently, the level of competition within the regional system influences whether a state can persist in the use of paramilitaries or must transition to a more centralized, conventional force.  相似文献   
33.
European navies made a fundamental contribution to the Cold War at sea, ensuring the effectiveness of deterrence even as Soviet naval forces grew to ominous proportions. European fleets were tasked with containing a Soviet attack until US forces could arrive on the scene. Many European navies pursued essential niche capabilities tailored for their own unique maritime environments. Others made important contributions to broader NATO efforts in the high-stakes arenas of sea control, power projection and even nuclear deterrence. Contentious issues did arise, for example concerning burden-sharing, but true to its name, the alliance succeeded collectively in wielding formidable sea power. This paper is based on the premise that the maritime players in the Cold War at sea were by no means restricted to the US and Soviet navies. The navies of Western Europe and Canada had major roles to play as well within the NATO area. They contributed a great deal to the political cohesion crucial to an essentially maritime alliance, and in many cases had a real operational contribution to make as well. What follows, then, is the Cold War at sea from a European point of view.  相似文献   
34.
Nonproliferation policies to prevent biological and chemical weapons use are important, but insufficient, particularly in view of the rise of global terrorism. Given the history of developing and using these weapons, it is crucial that governments properly prepare for biological and chemical threats, whether naturally occurring or man-made, such as by developing and managing effective healthcare infrastructure to mitigate widespread illness and injuries resulting from pandemics or terrorist attacks. Although the Middle East is one of the most sensitive and complex areas in the world—especially regarding regional arms control efforts and prevention—coordinating preparedness strategies among states in the region may be possible. Cooperatively addressing biological and chemical threats could lead to constructive progress towards the otherwise elusive goal of establishing a weapons of mass destruction-free zone in the Middle East.  相似文献   
35.
This study revisits the causal relationship between military spending and economic growth in 10 Middle East countries via a panel causality analysis that accounts for cross-sectional dependence and heterogeneity across countries. Our results indicate unidirectional causality from military spending to growth for Turkey; one-way causality from economic growth to military spending for Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Syria; bidirectional causality for Israel; and no causality in either direction for Jordan, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The empirical evidence does not provide consistent results regarding the causal relationship between defense expenditure and economic growth in these countries.  相似文献   
36.
As many states in the Middle East are considering whether to embark on nuclear power programs, there is an urgent need to develop confidence-building measures to reassure states in the region that the programs are peaceful. One possible path would be to consider multilateral approaches to the fuel cycle in order to foster nuclear cooperation between states in the region, instead of each state going it alone, which would likely increase suspicions and the risk of a cascade of nuclear proliferation. With its policy of “zero problems with neighbors,” strategic connection to the West, and long-standing experience in the nuclear field, Turkey would be well-placed to take the lead on such a nuclear confidence-building agenda. Over time and under the right political conditions, Turkey could initiate or participate in measures including cooperation on nuclear education, safety and security, research and development, and joint fuel cycle facilities such as a regional fuel fabrication center.  相似文献   
37.

This article delineates the history of how disarmament became a concept in economic thought and reviews the relevant writings of economists such as Veblen, Wicksell, Pareto, Schumpeter, Hilferding, Luxemburg, Lenin, Bukharin, Sombart, Keynes, Pigou, and Robbins, and of selected classical precursors (e.g., Smith, Ricardo, Malthus, List, Marx/Engels) as well as post-World War II writers (e.g., Richardson, Boulding, Hirshleifer). Particular attention is paid to how the "markets-as-peace" versus "capitalism-as-war" dichotomy developed, a dichotomy reflected in the contemporary debate on the relative merits or demerits of "globalization".  相似文献   
38.
本研究通过问卷调查了新疆地区252名中小学少数民族双语教师的组织承诺现状。研究结果显示,新疆少数民族中小学双语教师的组织承诺总体较高,其中感情承诺、规范承诺、理想承诺和民族认同承诺均高于一般水平,而经济承诺和机会承诺均低于一般水平。在人口变量上表现如下特点:(1)男性的经济承诺显著高于女性,其他维度及总分上男女无显著差异;(2)不同民族的双语教师的组织承诺总分及各维度均无显著差异;(3)中专学历的双语教师的理想承诺显著高于大专及本科学历的双语教师,组织承诺总分及其他维度上均无学历上的显著差异;(4)重点学校双语教师的民族认同承诺及组织承诺总分均显著高于一般学校的双语教师;其他维度上无显著差异。  相似文献   
39.
以马克思主义文化观为指导,在对校园文化建设进行科学规划和实施的过程中,必须首先确立校园文化建设的主题。校园文化建设的主题要反映学校自身的发展需要,也要表现学校自身的精神追求,还要呈现学校自身的文化特点。华山中学的校园文化建设紧紧围绕这三个方面进行构思,提出了"胡杨文化"和"胡杨精神"的概念,将其作为校园文化建设的主题目标,据此展开了一系列的文化设计和表达,并对"兵团精神"做出了独特诠释,使校园文化建设落到了实处,特色鲜明,效果显著。  相似文献   
40.
The economic growth effects of military expenditure have been the subject of a large literature in defence economics. Theories on the economic impacts of military expenditure greatly differ and include arguments that they either enhance economic growth or crowd out productive investments. Empirical literature on defence expenditure and economic growth nexus generally employs linear specifications to investigate the impact of defence expenditures on economic growth. Although it is now well established that many economic variables may have a non-linear data-generating mechanism, it seems that this reality has long been neglected in empirical work on defence–growth nexus. This paper attempts to fill this gap by employing non-linear panel data models to examine the effects of military expenditures on economic growth for Middle Eastern countries and Turkey, for the time period 1988–2012. Results show that the effect of military expenditure on economic growth is nonlinear such that the state of the economy actually determines the effect of the former on the latter. This is important not only in showing asymmetric relationship between these variables but also in revealing the reasons of mixed results of earlier literature.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号