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21.
How do countries transition from single service to joint operations? This article engages with the discussion on military innovation to argue that civil–military relations are the most important driver for jointness. In doing so it examines jointness in the Indian military. Relying on archival research and primary interviews this article sheds new light on the operations of the Indian Peacekeeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka from 1987–1990, the 1999 Kargil War and the Post-Kargil defence reforms. The main argument is that the Indian military’s transition to jointness has been ‘incomplete’ primarily because of its prevailing model of civil-military relations. This model prevents civilians from interfering in the operational issues of the military, including on matters pertaining to jointness. It therefore recommends more forceful civilian intervention to overcome the prevailing single service approach.  相似文献   
22.
This article empirically explores the effect of military spending on external debt, using a sample of ten Asian countries over the years from 1990 to 2011. The Hausman’s test suggests that the random-effects model is preferable; however, both random-effects and fixed-effects models are used in this research. The empirical results show that the effect of military spending on external debt is positive, while the effects of foreign exchange reserves and of economic growth on external debt are negative. For developing countries caught in security dilemma, military expenditure often requires an increase in external debt, which may affect economic development negatively.  相似文献   
23.
This article highlights a pattern of military adaptation and tactical problem-solving utilized by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) while engaged in protracted conflict with the Lebanese militant group Hizballah. It discusses the IDF’s recent attempts to institutionalize their historically intuitive process of ad-hoc learning by developing a formal tactical-level mechanism for ‘knowledge management’. The diffusion of this battlefield lesson-learning system that originated at lower-levels of the organization is examined, as well as its implementation and effectiveness during the 2006 Lebanon War. A nuanced analysis of IDF adaptation illustrates the dynamic interplay between both ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ processes of military innovation.  相似文献   
24.
传统的心理健康教育过分关注心理疾病的评估与矫治,忽视了对个体积极的品质、情绪体验等的关注和培养。积极心理学的诞生,为传统的心理健康教育提供了新的视野,主张教育者用一种更加开放的、欣赏的眼光去看待学生的潜能、动机和能力。军校大学生作为一个特殊的大学生群体,除了繁重的学业、环境的适应等普通大学生面临的挑战外,紧张的军事训练、严格的日常管理、单一的校园生活使他们更容易出现心理问题。积极心理学提示我们,军校大学生的心理健康教育应从个体的积极因素入手,不断地激发、挖掘、关注个体内在的积极力量和优秀品质,注意培养和鼓励他们多用积极的应对方式解决生活中遇到的问题。  相似文献   
25.
反导作战概念模型是保证不同地空导弹武器系统之间指控系统可集成、可互操作性、高效一体化的关键。首先,针对传统建模语言在模型可执行验证方面的不足,在DoDAF视图框架下,提出一种基于统一建模语言(UML)的反导作战军事概念建模方法;其次,结合军事概念模型给出反导作战仿真系统设计的方法。规范建模框架并选择可执行性强的UML语言建立军事概念模型,对反导作战研究及指控系统开发具有一定参考价值。  相似文献   
26.
直接序列扩频通信抗干扰性能分析   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
简述了直接序列扩频通信基本原理,讨论了直接序列扩频通信的特点,对直接序列扩频通信系统的抗干扰能力进行研究,最后提出了几种用于提高该通信系统抗干扰能力的具体方法。  相似文献   
27.
In recent years, headline grabbing increases in the Indian defense budget have raised concerns that India’s on-going military modernization threatens to upset the delicate conventional military balance vis-à-vis Pakistan. Such an eventuality is taken as justification for Islamabad’s pursuit of tactical-nuclear weapons and other actions that have worrisome implications for strategic stability on the subcontinent. This article examines the prospects for Pakistan’s conventional deterrence in the near to medium term, and concludes that it is much better than the pessimists allege. A host of factors, including terrain, the favorable deployment of Pakistani forces, and a lack of strategic surprise in the most likely conflict scenarios, will mitigate whatever advantages India may be gaining through military modernization. Despite a growing technological edge in some areas, Indian policymakers cannot be confident that even a limited resort to military force would achieve a rapid result, which is an essential pre-condition for deterrence failure.  相似文献   
28.
    
This paper identifies and classifies middle power nations through the use of broad political science definitions, the demand for military expenditures models and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita. The latter is used as a simple quantifiable measure of relative and potential military power. The paper also develops and utilizes a threat variable that is applicable to middle power nations. The panel data analysis shows that the middle power nations react to threat variables that proxy global instability utilize foreign aid as a complementary policy tool along with military expenditures, and face significant trade-offs between military and non-military government spending.  相似文献   
29.
    
This paper attempts to investigate the long-run and the causal relationship between military expenditure and income distribution in South Korea for the period 1965–2011. Applying the bounds test approach to cointegration, we found a long-run relationship between military expenditure and the Gini coefficient with military expenditure having a positive and a statistically significant impact on income inequality. A 1% rise in military expenditure increased the Gini coefficient by 0.38%. Application of the lag-augmented causality test also reveals a unidirectional causality running from military expenditure to income inequality. The evidence seems to suggest that devoting more resources to the military sector may further worsen income inequality in South Korea.  相似文献   
30.
    
This paper investigates the nature of two military alliances under Chinese threat. The findings are as follows: First, South Korea does not consider China a significant threat while Japan and the United States have recognized China as a serious threat since the 1990s and the 2000s, respectively. Second, the relationship between South Korea and the United States is a true military alliance for all time periods, but the nature of the alliance has changed since the 1970s. Third, although Japan began to form an alliance relationship with the United States in the 1990s, Japan is considered a more significant ally by the United States. This paper implies that, should China provoke a military confrontation, it might be difficult to deduce a common solution among the three countries because of the different response to military threats from China.  相似文献   
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