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31.
庞坤 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(4):88-89
极限是微积分学的核心概念。极限概念及其发展过程中充满辨证思维,蕴含着深刻的哲学思想,体现了辨证法的联系论、对立统一律、否定之否定律。 相似文献
32.
韩增辉 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(3):55-59
实现社会和谐始终是人类追求的一个社会理想,只是因为社会历史的不同,和谐社会思想所包含的要义以及所追求的目标也随之有所差异。但法之于和谐社会具有重要价值却是绝大多数法哲学家所认同的,即构建和谐社会离不开法律保障之基石。从中西方法律思想以及可持续发展观角度层层递进,对构建和谐社会之合理性、时代性、先导性以及法之于和谐社会的重要价值进行探讨与思索。 相似文献
33.
针对当前消防监督工作任务重,消防监督人员少的现状,随着公安部73号令的发布实施,本文就有效利用公安派出所这一巨大资源开展消防监督工作的重大意义及其开展消防监督执法的法律关系进行了分析,并对如何进一步加强和改进公安派出所开展消防监督工作提出了措施。 相似文献
34.
法制现代化是中国当前重大的社会主题之一,它是一个历史的、发展的过程。公安法治建设必然对国家法制现代化进程产生重大的影响。公安机关的性质、地位和作用决定了公安执法人员必须具有正确的执法思想。而法律至上观念、权利本位观念、分权制衡观念、正当程序观念对公安执法人员正确执法思想的形成有着直接的影响。 相似文献
35.
范平安 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2007,23(6):69-73
结合消防执法实践,深刻分析了消防法制工作的现状,剖析了消防法制建设中存在的诸多问题。同时,就如何转变传统观念,健全消防法规体系,改善消防执法现状,加强执法队伍建设,实践执法为民,尤其对建立健全监督制约机制,规范消防行政执法行为等方面提出了创新性的对策。 相似文献
36.
作为公安消防机构的一种相对自由的判断权和选择权,消防行政自由裁量权必须受到有效控制,并在法律规定的范围内合法、合理行使,以确保公安消防机构能够更好的承担起维护社会稳定、保卫人民生命财产安全的神圣职责。根据消防行政自由裁量权的类型及特征,分析了滥用消防行政自由裁量权的表现形式及危害,并结合当前消防工作的形势与要求,阐述了完善我国消防行政自由裁量权的控制策略。 相似文献
37.
Anit Mukherjee 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(1-2):6-34
How do countries transition from single service to joint operations? This article engages with the discussion on military innovation to argue that civil–military relations are the most important driver for jointness. In doing so it examines jointness in the Indian military. Relying on archival research and primary interviews this article sheds new light on the operations of the Indian Peacekeeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka from 1987–1990, the 1999 Kargil War and the Post-Kargil defence reforms. The main argument is that the Indian military’s transition to jointness has been ‘incomplete’ primarily because of its prevailing model of civil-military relations. This model prevents civilians from interfering in the operational issues of the military, including on matters pertaining to jointness. It therefore recommends more forceful civilian intervention to overcome the prevailing single service approach. 相似文献
38.
Nadia Tahir 《Defence and Peace Economics》2017,28(1):112-135
This study provides evidence from Pakistan on how the delegated task of achieving strategic objectives of the donor can lead to incompatibility of aid objectives which then generates perpetual and multidimensional domestic conflict in the recipient society. We use count data method to estimate the relationship between aid and conflict. At the aggregate level, social sector spending, regime change and youth bulge are positively and significantly related with conflict. However, aid per capita gives ambiguous results. It is significant with conflict count in the terrorism data-set and insignificant for data on armed conflict. Inclusion of youth bulge and unemployment rate confirms the marginalization hypothesis of conflict. Inflation rate and the tax variables are insignificant. This confirms that aid erodes fiscal capacity. At project-level data, conflict is strongly related with aid commitment and purpose. Discrepancy in aid allocation and commitment may accentuate conflict. 相似文献
39.
Kenton White 《Defence Studies》2017,17(4):346-358
The use of commercial business management techniques is widespread in all government departments, including the Ministry of Defence. This article examines the use of popular management techniques in the Armed Forces and argues that their application is misplaced. It looks at what the “effs” – “efficiency” and “effectiveness” – mean in the business world and to the Armed Forces. It compares the definitions both in business and the Armed Forces and finds that there are few, if any, situations where the same measurements can be applied. Whilst many management techniques are suited for business, the function of the Armed Forces and its output cannot be measured in the same way, complicated by the different metrics of “efficiency” in peace and in war. This difference may not be clearly understood by some politicians, or indeed by some senior military personnel. Using examples from some of the most popular management techniques such as “Lean” and “Agile” it is possible to see that their use might actually diminish the capabilities of the Armed Forces when it comes to performing their principal role – the use of force to achieve political objectives. 相似文献
40.
Alexander Urnes Johnson Kjetil Hove Tobias Lillekvelland 《Defence and Peace Economics》2017,28(6):669-685
This article examines military expenditure and defence policy in Norway from 1970 to 2013. Until 1990 Norwegian military expenditure remained between 2.5 and 3.0 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Despite constant GDP shares, the military expenditure could not sustain a large and properly armed mobilization army. The constant nominal defence budgets of the 1990s accentuated the Norwegian Armed Forces' underlying imbalance between tasks, structure and budget. Around year 2000, large organizational reforms were effectuated, in which costs, the number of man-years, and underlying imbalances between tasks, structure and budget were reduced. Military expenditure increased in nominal terms between 2003 and 2013, while real military expenditure remained practically constant. 相似文献