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571.
邹田荣 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2012,28(12)
结合核电站火灾危险的特殊性,阐述了核电站常规岛中网控楼、蓄电池室、汽轮机厂房、电缆隧道、输变电变压器等建筑的火灾自动报警系统设备的特殊配置及选用特点,以发挥火灾自动报警系统的监控作用。 相似文献
572.
在导航战中,卫星功率增强技术是提高战区卫星导航系统生存能力的重要措施.针对导航战背景下如何保持Compass系统对我国领土及周边区域导航服务能力的问题进行了研究,提出了一种基于混合星座和最优GDOP值准则的卫星导航系统功率增强方案,并就功率增强覆盖区域在不同实现方式条件下的覆盖性、可用性和实现复杂度等性能进行了对比分析.分析结果表明,采用“5GEO +4MEO”的功率增强组合形式,可以实现对我国领土及近海区域的全天时覆盖,可用性水平达到100%( GDOP <6.3),同时具有实现复杂度低和系统稳定性好等特点,可作为我国区域功率增强的备选方案. 相似文献
573.
574.
为了提高机载二次电源系统的效能评估,以工程应用需求及其提供的试验数据为依据,结合Saber仿真软件的特点,根据机载二次电源系统的特点及功能要求,利用基于原理图、基于实验数据和基于功能要求的建模方法,分别建立了二次电源系统的三相静止变流器、DC-DC变换器、过流保护装置及负载舵机的仿真模型。通过系统仿真实验,结果证明所建立的模型均达到了系统的功能要求,同时也证明了相应建模方法的可行性、准确性和有效性。 相似文献
575.
主要从党的宗旨、党的执政过程和执政目的、党的性质三个方面论述“三个代表”重要思想中所包含的中国共产党“以人为本”的执政理念 相似文献
576.
根据舰船交流环形电力网络的特点,提出了一种简单有效的短路电流计算方法。该算法以电站为独立单元,依据网络结构和系统参数分别对发电机和电动机进行等效,利用星网等值变换将环形电力网络简化为各电源直接与短路故障点通过阻抗相连的形式,然后通过短路电流改进算法计算故障点的电流。仿真结果表明,该算法准确度较高,满足实际工程要求,为复杂结构独立电力系统的短路电流计算开辟了一条新途径。 相似文献
577.
运用统计能量分析法解决高频声振问题的研究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
为了得出统计能量分析法的适用范围和成功应用的关键因素,应用模态理论对系统的输入功率和耦合损耗因子进行了研究,挖掘了统计能量分析法中“统计”的更深层次的含义.通过对统计能量分析法原理的分析,提出增大系统的特征尺寸和系统阻尼、增大分析带宽和采用宽带激励均可提高统计能量分析的精度. 相似文献
578.
Abstract What are the consequences of military strikes against nuclear facilities? In particular, do they ‘work’ by delaying the target states ability to build the bomb? This article addresses these questions by conducting an analysis of 16 attacks against nuclear facilities from 1942 to 2007. We analyze strikes that occurred during peacetime and raids that took place in the context of an ongoing interstate war. The findings indicate that strikes are neither as uniformly fruitless as the skeptics would suggest, nor as productive as advocates have claimed. There is evidence that the peacetime attacks delayed the target's nuclear program, although the size of this effect is rather modest. The wartime cases were less successful, as attacks often missed their targets either due to operational failure or limited intelligence on the location of critical targets. In our concluding section we show that many of the conditions that were conducive to past success are not present in the contemporary Iran case. Overall, our findings reveal an interesting paradox. The historical cases that have successfully delayed proliferation are those when the attacking state struck well before a nuclear threat was imminent. Yet, this also happens to be when strikes are the least legitimate under international law, meaning that attacking under these conditions is most likely to elicit international censure. 相似文献
579.
Sébastien Miraglia 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6):841-866
This article examines the nuclear command and control (C2) system implemented in Pakistan since 1998, and discusses its potential consequences for the risk of inadvertent or unauthorised use of nuclear weapons. I argue that troubled civil-military relations and Pakistan's doctrine of ‘asymmetric escalation’ account for the creation of a command and control system with different characteristics during peacetime and military crises. Although the key characteristics of Pakistan's nuclear C2 system allow relatively safe nuclear operations during peacetime, operational deployment of nuclear weapons during military standoffs is likely to include only rudimentary protections against inadvertent or unauthorised nuclear release. The implication of this study is that any shift from peacetime to wartime command and control procedures is likely to further destabilise Indo-Pakistani relations during the early stages of a diplomatic or military standoff, and introduce a non-trivial risk of accidental escalation to the nuclear level. 相似文献
580.
Molly Worthen 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(5):745-747
This article predicts that the nuclear weapon states may opt sooner for nuclear elimination than generally expected. This delegitimation of nuclear weapons is due to five factors whose importance has grown since the mid-1990s: nuclear proliferation, the risk of nuclear terrorism, the nuclear taboo, missile defence, and the increased importance of international law. The article starts with categorizing nuclear weapons policies: nuclear primacy, maximum deterrence, minimum deterrence, existential deterrence, and post-existential deterrence. The nuclear weapon states will probably shift their policies from nuclear primacy (US), maximum deterrence (Russia), minimum or existential deterrence (UK, France, Israel, China, India, Pakistan, North Korea) to post-existential deterrence (or elimination), taking one step at a time. 相似文献