全文获取类型
收费全文 | 279篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
国内免费 | 50篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 125篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 17篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有333条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
271.
272.
Leopoldo Nuti 《战略研究杂志》2016,39(4):559-579
ABSTRACTThroughout the Cold War, Italy was one of the most steadfast NATO allies in hosting American nuclear weapons on its territory. Such a policy could easily be construed as an example of almost automatic confidence in the US nuclear umbrella, yet only on the surface did extended deterrence appease Italian anxieties about the uncertainties of the American nuclear guarantee. The Italian rationale for accepting a large array of US nuclear weapons did as a matter of fact involve a complex mix of reasons, ranging from trying to ensure that the Italian government would be consulted in the event of a major crisis, to willingness to enhance the country’s profile inside any Western multilateral fora. The paper will investigate this policy by looking at how the Italian government behaved at the height of the NATO nuclear sharing debate, between 1957 and 1962, arguably one of the historical moments in the Cold War when the concept of extended deterrence was most intensely discussed. Drawing up on hitherto classified archival sources as well as on some less-known public ones, the paper will show how Italian diplomats, military leaders and policymakers understood the dangers and political implications of US nuclear policies. It will, hopefully, demonstrate that Italy’s persistent search for a multilateral solution to the nuclearisation of NATO strategy shows that Italy never saw extended deterrence as a solution per se, but only as a temporary means to an end. 相似文献
273.
274.
Thomas P. Cavanna 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(4):576-603
How much does the United States care about nonproliferation? Recent scholarship suggests that the fear of spreading nuclear weapons was central to the US grand strategy in the Cold War. In one important case, however, this argument does not hold. This article draws on theoretical debates and newly declassified archives to demonstrate the primacy of geopolitics over nonproliferation in Washington’s policy toward India and Pakistan. Despite their rhetoric, Democratic and Republican leaders consistently relegated nonproliferation to the backburner whenever it conflicted with other strategic goals. Moreover, they inadvertently encouraged proliferation in South Asia at three inter-connected levels: technology, security, and identity. 相似文献
275.
Or Rabinowitz 《战略研究杂志》2018,41(1-2):275-300
Based on newly declassified archival documents, the aim of this study is to contribute to an improved understanding of the evolution of the non-proliferation regime through an examination of US and French nuclear cooperation agreements in the latter half of the 1970s. The four pledges of nuclear assistance examined – US assistance to Egypt and Israel, and French assistance to Pakistan and South Korea – failed to materialise by the end of the decade. Why did that happen? What caused the four pledges to fail? We find that the 1974 Indian nuclear explosion and the emergence of opposing domestic factions on the nuclear front in the supplier states generated major changes in US and French nuclear export policies, and also contributed to the development of a collaborative partnership between the two competing nuclear exporters, on the other. 相似文献
276.
277.
Mark S. Bell 《战略研究杂志》2019,42(1):3-28
How do states use nuclear weapons to achieve their goals in international politics? Nuclear weapons can influence state decisions about a range of strategic choices relating to military aggression, the scope of foreign policy objectives, and relations with allies. The article offers a theory to explain why emerging nuclear powers use nuclear weapons to facilitate different foreign policies: becoming more or less aggressive; providing additional support to allies or proxies, seeking independence from allies; or expanding the state’s goals in international politics. I argue that a state’s choices depend on the presence of severe territorial threats or an ongoing war, the presence of allies that provide for the state’s security, and whether the state is increasing in relative power. The conclusion discusses implications of the argument for our understanding of nuclear weapons and the history of proliferation, and nonproliferation policy today. 相似文献
278.
The nuclear weapons taboo is considered one of the strongest norms in international politics. A prohibition against using nuclear weapons has seemingly shaped state behavior for nearly seven decades and, according to some observers, made nuclear use ‘unthinkable’ today or in the future. Although scholars have shown that nuclear aversion has affected decision-making behavior, important questions about the nuclear taboo remain unanswered. This article seeks to answer a basic question: How durable is the taboo? We develop different predictions about norm durability depending on whether the taboo is based primarily on moral logic or strategic logic. We use the comparable case of the norm against strategic bombing in the 20th century to evaluate these hypotheses. The logic and evidence presented in this paper suggest that the norm of nuclear non-use is much more fragile than most analysts understand. 相似文献
279.
潜艇对机动目标跟踪和攻击若干问题的探讨 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在现代作战条件下,潜艇所要跟踪和攻击的目标多数情况下应认为是机动目标。限于潜艇所载目标探测传感器和武器特点,以及潜艇自身隐蔽性、机动性方面的约束,潜艇跟踪和攻击机动目标存在许多困难和值得研究的问题。对这些问题进行了较为系统地梳理,并对其中的若干问题进行了探讨,包括目标机动的原因、机动目标可判断性问题、机动判断手段、机动判断后目标参数的处理、机动目标攻击的基本原则和方法等,还对潜艇指控系统强化机动目标跟踪和攻击功能提出了一些建议。 相似文献
280.
结合舰艇拖曳线列阵声纳实际搜潜装备,利用舰载线列阵声纳测得的潜艇目标方位信息,建立了基于方位量测的舰艇对潜艇目标定位的数学模型,给出求解潜艇运动参数的定位算法,并对定位误差进行了分析,在定位模型及算法的基础上,仿真研究了潜艇与舰艇之间的初始距离、舰艇测得潜艇目标初始方位角、潜艇航向等因素对定位性能的影响,给出仿真结果并进行了分析,该结果对于指导实际反潜具有一定的实用价值。 相似文献