全文获取类型
收费全文 | 279篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
国内免费 | 50篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 125篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 17篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有333条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
281.
282.
283.
潜艇使用自航式声诱饵防御声自导鱼雷模型研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
针对潜艇如何使用自航式声诱饵防御声自导鱼雷,分析了自航式声诱饵的初始航向范围,并建立了相应的防御模型.然后采用线性规划方法,求取最优的潜艇规避角度和诱饵航向.最后时典型态势进行仿真计算,结果表明,采用该方法得出的结果与实际作战基本符合,从而验证了模型的正确性. 相似文献
284.
喷水推进装置及其在舰艇上的应用 总被引:18,自引:1,他引:17
船舶喷水推进装置具有推进效率高、噪音小、操作性能好以及适合浅水航行等特点,其军事价值将越来越受到世界各国海军的重视.分析了喷水推进装置的优、缺点,简要介绍了其基本原理和结构,并总结了其在潜艇和水面舰艇上的应用,对其今后的应用与发展趋势作了简要分析. 相似文献
285.
Suzanne Doyle 《战略研究杂志》2017,40(6):867-894
Existing studies of the United Kingdom’s purchase of Trident D5 missiles have simplified the Reagan administration’s sale. Using previously classified documentation, this article highlights the potential political and financial ramifications of a sale agreement that led to complex deliberations within the Thatcher government up until the final day of negotiations. The White House viewed the sale as a means to strengthen Western nuclear and conventional forces to counter the perceived Soviet threat. However, even within this conducive environment, US officials still drove a hard bargain with their British counterparts, in order to support US strategic interests. Indeed, the White House utilised the sale to influence British defence policy. In this way, the Trident agreement was not a foregone conclusion but rather a continuation of the friendly, but not preordained, nature of US–UK nuclear relations that has been renegotiated, according to the varying interests of both parties, throughout the partnership's existence. 相似文献
286.
Although globalization has created opportunities for nuclear and biological proliferation dangers to take root and grow, it also has opened the door to new solutions. Original ideas and approaches are needed to develop a stronger, more flexible next-generation nonproliferation strategy that accounts for the increasingly important integration of economic, political, and technological issues. The foundation of this strategy should focus on tapping the power of market-based mechanisms, understanding how commercially driven decisions affect proliferation threats, establishing new partnerships, and forging cohesion among the current nonproliferation mechanisms. The implementation of such a strategy will require forceful leadership, a cultural shift from both policymakers and the range of stakeholders, and consensus building within the international community. 相似文献
287.
William C. Potter 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):135-158
An increasing number of countries recognize the special risks of nuclear terrorism associated with the civilian use and storage of and commerce in highly enriched uranium (HEU). They are especially concerned that non-state actors might gain access to HEU and use it to build and detonate improvised nuclear devices. The risk is aggravated by the very large global stocks of HEU, some of which are inadequately protected. Although HEU has few commercial uses, and most experts believe it is technically feasible to substitute low-enriched uranium for HEU in nearly all civilian applications, efforts to reduce HEU stocks have been impeded by a variety of economic, political, and strategic considerations. This article analyzes the nature of these impediments and discusses what is required to overcome them. 相似文献
288.
Michael Miller 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):33-60
Recently, post-explosion nuclear forensics, or nuclear attribution, has gained a new spotlight within the nuclear weapons scientific and policymaking community. Academics are beginning to ask whether post-explosion forensics might create a replacement for an international nonproliferation regime, or at least offer a fallback option to deter states and individuals from selling nuclear materials. This paper examines current attribution technology from unclassified literature and finds the technology to be well developed but not foolproof, such that nuclear attribution currently provides little deterrent value. If current capabilities were publicized more thoroughly and if the post-explosion process of assessing the evidence were internationalized, states and intermediate actors might be deterred more effectively. Developing a nuclear fingerprint database is also discussed. While useful, its impact on deterrence would be minimal. 相似文献
289.
Lewis A. Dunn 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):143-172
This article assesses the successes and failures of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) since its creation in 1968 by developing and applying a set of “metrics” to each of the NPT's substantive articles as well as to its withdrawal provisions. In light of this analysis, the article also puts forward some specific proposals for strengthening the NPT and its implementation, with a view to the debate and decisions at the upcoming 2010 NPT Review Conference. A concluding section turns explicitly to the 2010 NPT Review Conference and proposes pursuit of agreement on three NPT Action Plans: one for nonproliferation, one for peaceful uses, and one for nuclear disarmament. Combining vision and practicable steps, these Action Plans would set out a roadmap for action between the 2010 and the 2015 NPT Review Conferences. They could provide a foundation for substantive exchanges—in this case, on progress toward their implementation—during the preparations for the 2015 conference. 相似文献
290.
Gerald M. Steinberg 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):117-141
Israel's exceptional status as a nonsignatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) has been an increasingly salient issue, particularly during the intense debate over universality in the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference, and again following the Indian and Pakistani tests in 1998. This analysis argues that despite these events, Israel's diplomatic position has not weakened significantly in the past decade. The factors that have led to this outcome include changes in the political and strategic environment, including the Iraqi and Iranian NPT violations, and Israeli engagement in different fora such as the Conference on Disarmament (CD) and the United Nations, and in bilateral strategic dialogues with key powers. This report examines whether Israel's exceptional status is likely to be maintained in the face of recent developments in Iran and the precedent set by the U.S.-India nuclear cooperation agreement. 相似文献