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41.
提出了一种新的非参数谱密度估计方法,它是传统加窗周期谱估计方法的一种修正,并证明了此估计具有渐近无偏性、相合性、渐近正态性.  相似文献   
42.
Strategic studies deals intimately with the topic of power. Most scholars in the discipline work with a concept of power as an adversarial zero-sum competition. This is natural and necessary. However, other conceptions of power developed within political science and sociology could enrich strategic studies. Approaching two typical, traditional tasks of strategy – alliance building and war-fighting – this article demonstrates the heuristic mileage of theories of collective power. In particular, we can shed new light on the post-Cold War transformation of NATO as well as state-building as a strategy in counter-insurgencies with new ideas of power. Broadening the palette of theories of power is thus valuable if strategic studies is to prosper as an independent field of study.  相似文献   
43.
针对基于电力线载波通信(PLC,Power Line Communication)技术的LED路灯监控系统,基于蚁群算法(ACA,Ant Colony Algorithm)开发了一种适用于低压配电网的LED路灯组网寻址算法,并在目标函数、信息素更新规则、状态转移规则和搜索等方面做了优化改进。建立了路灯自动路由模型,并给出自动路由协议框架。通过该模型,可动态识别低压配电网信道质量,并根据信道质量变化,动态维护电力线载波通信网络路由,保证通信网络有效性。最后,通过信道仿真模型和现场试验验证了该方法的可行性和有效性。  相似文献   
44.
Many contemporary academics and policy analysts have revisited the Anglo-German rivalry before 1914 to predict what may await China and the United States in the twenty-first century. However, few, if indeed any, have specified in what sense this comparison can be made. This paper attempts to fill this gap with a detailed analysis of the strategic parallels between the Anglo-German rivalry then and the China–US competition now through the lens of the Crowe Memorandum. The author argues that the basic parallel between the rise of Germany and the rise of China lies in the challenges they posed or pose to the dominant maritime power and system leader – Great Britain then and the United States today. This parallel also explains the similarity between the Triple Entente initiated by Great Britain prior to 1914 and the Rebalance to Asia launched by the United States in 2011. Furthermore, as in the case of the Anglo-German rivalry before 1914, the most crucial problem underlying the mounting China–US competition in recent years has been America’s deepening apprehension about the development of China’s anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) and naval capabilities. This development, from the US perspective, is threatening to deprive the US of its most crucial instrument to influence the strategic equilibrium on the East Asian littorals. Based on the lessons of the Anglo-German rivalry prior to 1914, the essay also examines the potential for mitigating, if not eliminating, the mounting competition and misgivings between China and the United States.  相似文献   
45.
为降低充水圆柱壳受内部点声源激励时的水下辐射噪声,在其外壳上敷设气囊,形成气囊圆柱壳。为指导气囊圆柱壳的设计,将充水裸圆柱壳和充水气囊圆柱壳分别简化为单、双层无限长隔板。比较隔板、气体与水的波阻抗,分析了气体声速与层厚对双层无限长隔板在平面声波入射时低频声辐射的影响机理。分析表明,声速小的气体和适当的气层厚度可以降低双层障板的辐射噪声。采用声无限元法计算了气囊圆柱壳的水下声辐射,结论与对隔板的机理分析吻合。优化设计出的充水CO2气囊圆柱壳的水下辐射声功率与远场辐射声压明显低于充水裸圆柱壳。  相似文献   
46.
This paper analyses the statistical distribution of war sizes. Using a new methodology we find moderate support for a Pareto-type distribution (power law), considering data from different sources (COW and UCDP) and periods. A power law is a plausible model for the size distribution of a pool of all wars and a sample of wars in many years, although the log-normal distribution is a plausible alternative model that we cannot reject. The random growth of conflicts could generate both types of distribution. We study the growth rates of battle deaths and random growth cannot be rejected for most of the distribution, although the results also reveal a clear decreasing pattern; the growth of deaths declines faster if the number of initial deaths is greater.  相似文献   
47.
鱼雷动力电池技术发展水平概述   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文论述了鱼雷推进技术的发展,着重分析了鱼雷应用的传统电池及在研电池的技术水平,并总结了世界先进海军国鱼雷动力电池发展时序,这对于进一步发展我国鱼雷动力电池具有重要参考价值。  相似文献   
48.
This article examines Chinese and Russian foreign policy and military strategy from the theoretical standpoint of soft balancing. Analysis of their thinking indicates that both seek to offset US military superiority without engaging American power directly. To that end, Chinese and Russian strategists have adopted ‘soft’ or ‘normative’ power assets as strategic capabilities in their military and foreign policy. Alternative norms, such as the concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, allow China and Russia to deliberately ignore human rights issues in order to achieve diplomatic advantage with respect to the United States. The two powers have institutionalized these norms within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which they use to counterbalance US interests in Central Asia.  相似文献   
49.
This article challenges the conventional wisdom that Neville Chamberlain rejected the British tradition of balance of power in the 1930s. In contrast to balance of power and balance of threat theories, states do not balance against aggregate or net shifts in power. Instead, leaders define threats based on particular elements of a foreign state's power. The import is that different components of power of a foreign state are more or less threatening and aggregate shifts in power alone may not provoke counterbalancing behavior. In the 1930s, Britain balanced against the most threatening components of power: the German Luftwaffe and the threat of a knock-out air assault against the homeland, Japan's Imperial Navy and its threat to Britain's commercial trade routes and the Dominions in East Asia, and the Italian Navy and the threat to Britain's line of communication through the Mediterranean Sea to India and Asia. Given Britain's difficult financial circumstances, all other components of power, such as the army and the land components of power of Germany, Japan, and Italy were ranked as secondary in terms of its rearmament priorities. Thus, London was able to narrow the gap with Berlin in specific components of power of strategic importance such as aircraft production or to exceed Germany in other areas such as the Royal Navy and its battlefleet.  相似文献   
50.
Since the end of the Cold War, India's strategic horizons have moved beyond its traditional preoccupations in South Asia. India is developing a strategic role in East Asia in particular. At the same time India's strategic thinking has undergone a revolution, as the country that prided itself on non-alignment has moved closer to the West. But India's culture, history and geography still fundamentally shape its worldview. In engaging with East Asia, India is guided by a mosaic of strategic objectives about extending its sphere of influence, developing a multipolar regional system and balancing against China. The interplay of these objectives will frame India's role in East Asia in coming years.  相似文献   
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