The Obama administration's phased-adaptive architecture: technological,operational and political issues

In 2009, the Obama administration announced a new missile defense strategy, termed a phased-adaptive architecture (PAA) focused primarily on countering the growing threat from theater ballistic missiles. The success of this strategy is predicated on the rapid development and fielding of successive increments of defensive capability in a manner adapted to the specific requirements for missile defenses in different regions of the world. The administration is committed to building a European regional missile defense system, the European PAA or EPAA between now and 2020. The first elements of the EPAA were deployed in late 2011. However, much progress is still required in order to reach the goals set for the PAA. This article addresses the technological, operational and political issues confronting the Obama administration in its efforts to make the PAA a reality.     

The Chinese and Asian impact on Russian nuclear policy

Asia, where nuclear powers already interact (including North Korea), exerts a growing influence on the thinking and policy underlying Russia's current and future nuclear (and overall defense) posture. China's rise is forcing Russia into a greater reliance on strategic offensive weapons and tactical nuclear weapons. These in turn will reinforce its opposition to US missile defenses, not only in Europe but also in Asia. Russia must now entertain the possibility of nuclear use in regional conflicts that would otherwise remain purely conventional. It cannot be postulated blindly that nuclear weapons serve no discernible purpose other than to deter nuclear attacks by other nuclear powers. The strategic equation in Asia and in the Russian Far East convincingly demonstrates the falsity of this approach. Nuclear weapons will be the essential component of Russia's regional defense policy if not of its overall policies – and this also includes contingencies in Europe.     

Involving the elephant: technical isolation and the role of India in a possible solution to the Iranian nuclear crisis

Apart from North Korea, no state's nuclear program in the twenty-first century has raised more concern to international security than Iran's. While Iran insists that its nuclear program is strictly for civilian purpose in line with Article IV of non-proliferation treaty, the USA and its allies insist that Iran has military intentions and called for sanctions. The failure of sanctions to deter Iran from its nuclear agenda had made many scholars and policy-makers call for a preemptive attack on Iranian nuclear facilities. Situated within this debate, this paper positions itself as an antagonist to the preemptive airstrike option and argues that involving India in a possible nuclear “iron curtain” against Iran – a move known as technical isolation – remains the best option to the current nuclear crises.     

舰载主被动传感器数据关联算法

针对海战场密集目标情况下,传统方法在解决舰载主被动传感器数据关联问题中表现的不足,提出一种基于属性信息相似度检验的方法.通过分析雷达实体目标与辐射源在时间上可能出现的不同对应关系,给出相应的判决规则.仿真结果表明,新算法具有较高的关联精度和较低的漏关联概率.     

基于动态贝叶斯网络的复杂网络抗毁性分析

复杂网络抗毁性是复杂网络在节点或边遇敌攻击后能继续维持基本功能的能力,是衡量军事信息网络鲁棒性和敏捷性的重要指标。针对复杂网络及对作战体系支撑能力的多指标、复杂化和动态演绎特点,在静态分析方法基础上,提出基于动态贝叶斯网络的抗毁性分析方法。建立了复杂网络抗毁性指标体系。构建了基于动态贝叶斯网络的复杂网络抗毁性评估模型,提出确定评估模型参数的方法。仿真验证了方法的可行性和有效性。     

Terrorism as Method in Nepali Maoist Insurgency, 1996–2016

During the period 1996–2006, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) waged overt people’s war to seize state power and institute a new order that realized the party’s understanding of ‘New Democracy’ as posited by Mao Tse-tung. Contextual shifts led to a crucial strategic turning point in September 2005, when the Maoists agreed to a united front with estranged legal parties to oust the monarchy and establish a republic. Though touted as acceptance of political reintegration, the move was tactical rather than strategic. The party had no intention of supporting a parliamentary version of democracy and thus, 2006–2016, engaged in a covert effort to seize power. Central to this effort was the paramilitary Young Communist League (YCL), the members of which responded to inflammatory party verbiage and exhortations with attacks upon rival political actors. These attacks, academically and legally, were terrorism and offered a salient illustration of intra-state unrestricted warfare. Ultimately, organizational, national, and regional circumstances caused the main Maoist movement to move decisively away from its covert approach. By that time, however, radical splinters had embraced the use of terrorism against rival political actors, creating a situation whereby local politics is yet a dangerous endeavor in certain areas and at certain times.     

基于引导员负荷的指挥引导容量评估

针对目前传统指挥引导容量评估不准确的问题,通过对空战指挥引导容量与引导员负荷的综合分析,提出了基于引导员负荷的指挥引导容量评估方法。基于引导员负荷重新定义了指挥引导容量,给出了引导员负荷的确定方法,并建立了指挥引导容量评估模型。最后对某指挥机构进行实例评估,评估结果表明所提出的指挥引导容量评估方法将评估误差控制在1批之内。     

电子战飞机远距支援干扰阵位配置建模与仿真

针对电子战飞机远距支援干扰新体制雷达阵位配置问题进行研究。首先是对电子战飞机干扰效能量化分析,从俯仰和方位两个方面对干扰覆盖范围进行建模仿真。基于干扰统一方程,建立干扰阵位配置优化模型,包括阵位配置区域和阵位配置高度模型,并给出了干扰阵位配置参数的具体计算方法。最后,通过仿真实例验证模型的有效性,结果表明该模型对于电子战飞机阵位配置有一定的指导意义。