Deterrence of nuclear terrorism in the context of South Asia

Stability among the great powers during the Cold War is widely theorized in terms of nuclear deterrence. Rationality of states and their preference for survival are the basis of nuclear deterrence. The rationality of non-state terrorist groups is different from that of nation-states. Even though they are also rational actors with their own hierarchy of preferences, survival may not be their ultimate goal. Deterrence of nuclear terrorism is therefore different from deterrence against states. South Asia is more vulnerable to nuclear terrorism than any other region of the world for many reasons. This article analyzes the possibility of nuclear terrorism and the ways of deterrence against it in the context of South Asia.     

Introduction

ABSTRACT

The new nuclear history can make a critical contribution by forcing us to reconsider or reframe the theoretical premises of the concepts we apply to our understanding of the present – and with which we try to navigate the future. It bears on fundamental questions, such as: How should the US manage its alliances? Should it establish a multilateral nuclear policy dialogue in Asia? In what depth should it discuss issues of doctrine and targeting with its Asian allies? What capabilities might reassure European allies in light of current Russian revisionism? Could nuclear war be limited and controlled in an East Asian maritime arena? Do nuclear weapons strengthen an alliance, or do they introduce a divisive bone of contention? Is extended nuclear deterrence (END) stabilizing or is it on the contrary pushing the allies to ask for more? What is the relationship between nuclear and conventional forces in END credibility? How do nuclear alliances contribute to international security and international order? The lessons and insights from these papers, which look at five historical cases of US extended deterrence during the Cold War, should help us think about crucial current issues, and be of use both to historians who want to have a better understanding of the Cold War past and to policymakers who are currently grappling with these issues.     

The right place at the right time,or the right person in the right place?

South Africa's military has, since the First World War, been an oft-used and effective tool in the conduct of South African foreign policy, but this role has not always translated into power for Defence Department principals in its formulation. South African Defence Ministers for most of the country's history have played a minor role in the making of foreign policy; despite a change in this dynamic between approximately 1975–1990, the post-apartheid era has once again seen a diminishment of Defence's power in this arena. This article examines why Defence Ministers have generally been such weak players, with an eye toward disaggregating whether this was a product of interpersonal relationships with Cabinet and – most importantly – the Head of State, or whether this influence (or lack thereof) was more a function of South Africa's international standing. While determining who has influence on this process is difficult given the primacy of the national leader in making foreign policy and a lack of insider accounts by participants in the process, this article relies upon several interviews with participants and knowledgeable observers that help illuminate the process and Defence's role in it.     

新疆兵团高职院校毕业生就业问题及对策研究——以石河子为例

就业是人民群众获取劳动报酬、维持生计、进而实现自我人生价值的基本途径。现今,就业成为大部分应届大学毕业生所要面临的难题,而我们考虑的也不能只局限于社会竞争和压力等外部因素,学生就业观念、学校就业指导等也是造成就业难的一部分原因。本文重点分析新疆高职院校毕业生就业现状及存在的问题,并从转变就业观念、加强高职院校就业指导等方面探讨扩大就业的基本思路。     

The rhetoric and practice of the international responsibility to prevent mass atrocities: Reflections on South Africa’s peacebuilding role in South Sudan (2005–2013)

While global consensus on the meaning and application of the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle remains tenuous, there is little contention among major actors that the development of the norm should prioritise the prevention of mass atrocities. In particular, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) – which have a role to play that is vital to the future development of R2P as a global norm but which continue to express reservations about the intent and application of the doctrine – have been strong advocates of the preventive aspects of the principle. This rhetorical consensus, however, belies the conceptual and practical challenges that are associated with the prevention of mass atrocities. In this paper, the example of South Africa’s post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) interventions in South Sudan from 2005 to 2013 is used to reflect on the role of external actors in supporting conflict-affected states to implement the preventive aspects of R2P. It is argued that while South Africa, like other BRICS countries, has used the rhetoric that atrocity prevention should be at the core of R2P to legitimise its opposition to military intervention for humanitarian purposes, it has struggled to back this rhetoric with coherent strategies and concrete actions to prevent mass atrocity crimes within its sphere of influence. The gap between rhetoric and practice in the preventive aspects of R2P is not unique to South Africa, but highlights fundamental difficulties inherent to global efforts to prevent mass atrocities.     

对新形势下新疆高校跨越式发展的思考

党的十八届三中全会指出要深化教育领域综合改革,健全促进就业创业体制机制:提出"三个进一步解放",即进一步解放思想、进一步解放和发展生产力、进一步解放和增强社会活力。这一新形势下,为确保社会和谐稳定、推进区域发展和教育公平,实现新疆高校跨越式发展显得尤为重要。本文对此形势下实现这一目标进行探讨。     

新疆公安边防维稳预警情报收集中的问题与对策

新疆维稳形势严峻,预警是维护社会稳定的重要途径。情报收集是成功预警的前提和基础。当前的新疆维稳预警情报收集工作还存在收集主体素质不高,群众优势未能充分发挥,缺乏有效交流与合作等问题。为此。必须加强情报队伍建设,构筑人民防线,完善协作机制,加强情报交流,以改进情报收集工作。     

新疆少数民族高等教育与人口就业——基于二进制响应模型的实证检验

新疆少数民族高等教育和人口就业的关系是一个异常重要,却少有学者关注的研究领域。本文利用二进制响应模型实证检验了新疆少数民族高等教育对就业的影响。研究结果显示,新疆少数民族高等教育是促进人口就业的Ganger原因,少数民族高等教育对促进就业具有显著的滞后效应,当期少数民族在校大学生占比超过其中位数,一年后就业人口占比超过其中位数的概率将增加23.13%,两年后全疆就业人口占比超过其中位数的概率将增加57.95%。为此,本文提出了进一步提高少数民族高考升学率,继续巩固基础教育阶段成果和高度重视少数民族职业教育和培训等三方面的建议。     

Command and Control of India's Nuclear Forces

The Indian government has not made a public comment about the status of its nuclear weapon program since approving a nuclear doctrine in 2003. However, there is now enough information in the public domain to determine that the command-and-control system for the nuclear program has steadily matured in accordance with the intent of the approved nuclear doctrine. The Indian government has successfully mitigated many of the issues that plague the conventional military. The result is a basic command-and-control system that is focused only on the delivery, if ordered by the prime minister, of nuclear weapons. The system is not as robust as those of the United States and Russia, but is in place and ready as new Indian nuclear weapons enter into operation. The command-and-control system is developing to meet India's needs and political compulsions, but not necessarily as part of a more assertive nuclear policy.